AHAB AND AHAZIAH, (EIGHTH AND NINTH) KINGS OF
ISRAEL.
— JEHOSHAPHAT, (FOURTH) KING OF JUDAH.
The Visit of Jehoshaphat to Ahab — The projected Expedition
against Ramoth-Gilead — Flattering Predictions of False
Prophets
— Micaiah — The Battle of Ramoth-Gilead — Death of Ahab.
(1
Kings 22; 2 Chronicles 18)
The events told in the previous chapter were followed by a
period of rest.
Religiously, it might be described as one of approximation
to the worship
of Jehovah. But it might prove only the more dangerous on
that account,
as being the outcome of an attempted compromise where
compromise was
impossible. Evidence of this occurs to us alike from the
summons and the
bearing of those four hundred prophets whom Ahab called
together, when
requested by Jehoshaphat to inquire at "the word of Jehovah"
as to the
projected expedition against Ramoth-Gilead. Those four
hundred could not
have been "prophets of Baal," since the latter had been
destroyed on
Mount Carmel. Their bearing also widely differs from that of
the prophets
of Baal. Nor could they have been the four hundred "prophets
of Asherah"
[Astarte] — specially supported by Jezebel — who had been
summoned
to (1 Kings 18:19), but did not appear at, the decisive
contest on Carmel
(vers. 22, 26, 40). For, first, they were now summoned as
professedly
bringing "the word of Jehovah," that is, as prophesying in
His Name.
Further, although they spoke at first of, Adonai (the
Lord, ver. 6 1 ), yet
afterwards (vers. 11, 12)they professed to announce what
"Jehovah"
would do, while Zedekiah their leader expressly referred to
"the Spirit of
Jehovah" as having gone from himself to Micaiah (ver. 24).
On the other
hand, they must not be regarded as either true "prophets of
Jehovah," or
as "sons of the prophets." For from the first Jehoshaphat
appears
unwilling to recognize their authority. They were evidently
not those
whose guiding message he had originally wished (ver. 5), and
in contrast to
them he continued to ask for "a prophet of Jehovah" (ver.
7), upon which
Ahab mentioned Micaiah (not one of those four hundred
prophets) as one
by whom "to inquire of Jehovah." Lastly, the four hundred
false prophets
are afterwards expressly designated, first, by the evil
spirit, and then by
Micaiah, not as those of Jehovah, but as those of Ahab (vers.
22, 23).
These considerations lead us to characterize the religious
condition
prevailing at the time as a debasement of the worship of
Jehovah.
Apparently these prophets professed to bring the word of
Jehovah: yet
they were only the lying prophets of Ahab. It seems not
unlikely that
Ahab may have restored the ancient rites instituted by
Jeroboam, when
Jehovah was professedly worshipped under the symbol of the
golden calf
that had brought Israel out of Egypt. This transformation of
the religion of
Israel has been fully described in another place. Such a
form of worship
would have the twofold recommendation, that, while it seemed
a return
from the service of Baal to that of Jehovah, it still left
to Ahab, as king, the
office and control of chief pontiff of the new religion
(comp. 1 Kings
12:32, 33). 2 Indeed, it may have been in this sense also
that the four
hundred prophets were designated those of Ahab, just as they
of Astarte
may have been called those of Jezebel, because in her
character as queen
she was their high-priestess. And if these prophets were
really priests of
the worship originally instituted by Jeroboam, and now
restored, it is only
natural to suppose that they may have been formed into a
prophetic
association, after the mode and in imitation of the
institution of the "sons
of the prophets." Whether any connection between the two
really existed
at the time can scarcely be determined, although the angry
speech of
Zedekiah (ver. 24), the leader of the prophets of Ahab,
seems to imply it.
And we can readily believe that in those degenerate days
many of the
"sons of the prophets" — perhaps even an association of them
— may
have lent themselves to this spurious worship of Jehovah.
We can now realize the scene enacted before Ahab and
Jehoshaphat. It is
related in almost identical terms in the Books of Kings and
of Chronicles (2
Chronicles 18:2-34). In the latter it is introduced, by an
account of the
circumstances which led up to the ill-fated expedition
against Syria. We
remember 3 that eight or nine years previously, Jehoram, the
son of
Jehoshaphat, then a youth of about fifteen or sixteen, had
been married to
Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel. So far as we
know, the two
monarchs had not personally met after that event. But when
Israel, after
the defeat of Ben-hadad, enjoyed a long period of peace,
while Judah was
in an equally prosperous condition (2 Chronicles 18:1), it
was both natural
and easy for the two monarchs whose families and kingdoms
were so
closely connected to arrange a personal interview. We may
conjecture that
the proposal had come from Ahab, nor are we probably
mistaken in
supposing that in this the Israelitish king had the scheme
of an alliance
against Syria in his mind. At any rate this would accord
with that
systematic intriguing and desire to form alliances which we
have
repeatedly noticed as characteristic of Ahab.
Jehoshaphat and his retinue were right royally received and
entertained at
Samaria. It was, surely, a strange thing to see a Davidic
king of Judah on a
visit to the capital of the rebel provinces, yet not more
strange than that
one of the decided religiousness of Jehoshaphat should
consort with an
Ahab. The consequences appeared only too soon. The Book of
Chronicles
uses the expression that Ahab "enticed"
4 Jehoshaphat (2
Chronicles 18:2),
while the Book of Kings only relates the circumstances that
led to the
formal alliance between them. Similarly we are not quite
sure whether this
"enticement" had preceded or followed the appeal of Ahab to
"his
servants," recorded in the Book of Kings (22:3). But in all
likelihood Ahab,
who may have planned everything with a view to the project
he had at
heart, may have availed himself of the presence of all his
chieftains to do
honor to the king of Judah, to bring before them on some
public occasion
— perhaps at a banquet — the great grievance which Israel
had against
Syria. If our conjecture be correct, it would account both
for Jehoshaphat' s
immediate and strange consent, and then for his hesitation
and desire to
ascertain the will of God in the matter.
The appeal which Ahab made, in the first place to his own
officers, was
about Ramoth-Gilead. Situated on the eastern bank of
the Jordan —
perhaps represented by the modern Es-Salt, and in that case
pitched on a
mountain- spur which far overlooks the country — it was a
threatening
outpost for Syria to occupy, whence they might not only
watch Israel, but
swoop across Jordan and up the valley to Jezreel, before
even certain
information of their advance could be brought to Israelitish
headquarters.
This city Ben-hadad had, under one or another pretext, not
given up to
Ahab, as by his treaty he had bound himself to do (1 Kings
20:34). We
cannot wonder that Ahab should have desired to regain a
place so
important, and which, while in the possession of Syria, was
a constant
menace to him. But he should have remembered not only that
the real
blame rested with himself, but what the prophet had
predicted as the
punishment of his guilty folly in allowing Ben-hadad to
escape (1 Kings
20:42). Accordingly he should not have taken such an
expedition in hand
without some express warrant from God. We are not told how
the appeal
to their patriotism was received by the officers of Ahab,
but it was
responded to by Jehoshaphat, to whom Ahab next addressed
himself, in
terms which sound terribly ominous, as we recall the word of
the Lord in
regard to the fate of any expedition of Ahab against Syria.
But, as already noted, other thoughts soon came to the king
of Judah. He
must have felt that he himself would never have entered on
such an
undertaking without the sanction of Jehovah. And in the
present instance
this seemed doubly needful. Yet, except as the expression of
Jehoshaphat' s tardy repentance, the proposal which he made
to Ahab to
"inquire at the word of Jehovah," seemed singularly
inconsistent. He had
entered into an alliance as regarded this special campaign;
perhaps his
hearty concurrence had decided the officers of Ahab; at any
rate, it was —
as the event proved — too late now to withdraw, whatever the
word of
Jehovah might be. In truth, it was only what may always be
expected
when those who serve and love the Lord allow themselves to
be entangled
in alliances with ungodly men, where one step leads to
another, and one
inconsistency involves the next, till at last we recoil when
it is too late to
withdraw, and the only thing consistent is to be
inconsistent in owning
God where His will can no longer be obeyed. But even this is
good, for it is
the first step to repentance. And though we must suffer the
punishment of
our folly, yet God will hear a Jehoshaphat in the disastrous
battle, when
he crieth to Him, and give gracious deliverance (2
Chronicles 18:31).
We are
"in the void place in the entrance of the gate of Samaria"
(1 Kings 22:10)
— that is, in the open square before the gate. Two thrones
have been set
for the two kings, who appear arrayed in their royal robes.
5 Before them is
gathered the motley multitude of prophets. Ahab puts the
question,
whether or not he (in Chron. "we") should go up to Ramoth-Gilead.
And
now the prophets — concerning whom we must not forget that
they knew
what saying of theirs would be "good" in the king's ears (1
Kings 22:13)
— sway about in frenzied excitement. Here, there, everywhere
rises the
cry, "Go up, for the Lord will give it into the hand of the
king." It was not
only the unanimity of these four hundred men, but, no doubt,
their
appearance and bearing which made Jehoshaphat inquire
whether, besides
all these, there was not a prophet of Jehovah to be found in
Samaria. From
the answer of Ahab when mentioning the name of Micaiah: "I
hate him, for
he does not prophecy concerning me good, but only evil," and
from the
later direction to "one of the chamberlains," it has been
inferred that
Micaiah had lately been "prophesying" evil to the king —
whether in
answer to his inquiry, or directly commissioned of God — and
that the
prophet was at that moment a prisoner of Ahab. The latter
point, indeed,
seems quite established by verse 26, where Micaiah is
ordered to be "taken
back," or "returned" to custody.
Some points of interest for the understanding of this
history may here be
noted. It appears that the prophets of God delivered many
more
"prophecies" than are recorded in the Scriptures — and more
especially,
that Ahab was not left without warning. Further, it casts
light on the true
and the false prophets, that the latter were wont to declare
what was
pleasing to their employers ("good"); while the prophets of
God faithfully
delivered their message, whatever the consequences might be.
And, lastly,
it appears that the king regarded such message as the
outcome of personal
enmity towards himself. This is most instructive, as showing
that men like
Ahab took a purely heathen view of prophetism. As Balak had
sought to
influence Balaam, apparently in the belief that the
soothsayer had power
with God, and could at will direct or control His action, so
Ahab imagined
that what he called "good" or "evil" in the message was the
result of either
personal friendship or enmity. It was against this that
Jehoshaphat
protested (ver. 8, last clause), and not merely against the
notion that
Micaiah hated the king. Ahab yielded to Jehoshaphat,
6 but
the view which
he had in advance presented of the motives and conduct of Micaiah must
have blunted the edge of his words, alike to Ahab and to the
people. This
explains the otherwise strange fact that his emphatic
warning remained so
entirely unheeded. It was, as we imagine, during the
interval while Micaiah
was being brought from his prison, that the leader of the
false prophets
indulged in a symbolical action. We can scarcely be mistaken
in supposing
that when Zedekiah rushed forward holding against his
forehead two
pointed pieces of iron, and exclaiming: "With these shalt
thou push the
Syrians, until they be consumed," he referred to the Divine
promise by
Moses in regard to Joseph (Deuteronomy 33:17).
"His horns, the horns of buffaloes:
with them shall he push down the nations."
Here was the kingdom of Ephraim — the son of Joseph — and
Ahab was
the representative of that promise which was now about to
have its
fulfillment. Deeply interesting as this reference is, as
showing the mixture
of Old Testament religion and acknowledgment of God which,
as we have
seen, was combined in these prophets with that which was
false, and
opposed to Jehovah, it is also instructive as implying that
the Book of
Deuteronomy was not only existent at the time this history
was originally
recorded, but that its sayings — specially so far as they
referred to Israel
— must have thoroughly permeated the people.
If, as seems likely, the object of Zedekiah's symbolic
action had been to
impress on all present the certainty of his prediction, the
arrival of
Micaiah speedily changed the aspect of things. On the way,
the official
charged with bringing him from the prison had told Micaiah
of the
unanimous prediction of success by the four hundred
prophets, and asked
him to confirm it. We do not wonder at the emphatic reply
which this
elicited. If the prophetic office was to fulfill its Divine
object, or, indeed,
to be continued in Israel, it was needful to state
distinctly that the prophet
would, without fear or favor, simply deliver the message of
Jehovah. And
this, rather than irony, seems to have been also the reason
why, in answer
to Ahab's inquiry, Micaiah at first spoke in the same terms
as the false
prophets. Such a mechanical outward conformity to them could
not have
been misunderstood. It meant that Ahab did not really wish
to have a
message from Jehovah; that he had chosen his own path and
his own
guides in it. Ahab evidently understood him so, and,
rendered bold by the
scene which had been enacted, and by the apparent
unwillingness, or, it
might be, inability of Micaiah to interpose, he adjured him
to speak only
the truth in the name of Jehovah. Thus challenged, Micaiah
could no longer
hesitate. Indeed, after his first apparent confirmation of
what the prophets
had declared, as it were in chorus, his message would come
with the more
startling effect. We may also mark that it affords us yet
further insight into
the nature and origin of prophecy. When Micaiah said: "I saw
all Israel
scattered on the mountains, as sheep that have no shepherd;
and Jehovah
said, These have no masters, let them return every man to
his house in
peace," — the words represent, evidently, a vision; and
that, not of
something literally real, but as we might term it a
parabolic vision.
It is in the same manner that we regard the next part of
Micaiah' s message.
It must not be understood as declaring what really took
place in heaven,
but as a vision in which the prophet saw before him, as in a
parable, 7 the
explanation and the higher Divine meaning of the scene that
had just been
enacted before the two kings, and the final sequence of it
which he had just
announced. The points to be kept in view are: that the final
judgment
which would come to Ahab in his self-chosen campaign against
Syria was
of the Lord ; nay, that the seductive influence of the
prophets was part of
the Divine judgment, and therefore of the Divine appointment
— at least,
in its permissive sense. Yet in all this Ahab's destruction
would come
through his own sin: being led to his ruin by those false
prophets whom he
had chosen, and by his unwillingness to hear the word of
Jehovah, which
he regarded as the outcome of personal hostility. Thus his
destruction
would be really due to his deliberate choice of a course in
direct opposition
to the Will of God. For these two elements are always
combined in manner
to us inexplicable, yet very really: the appointment of God
and the free
choice of man. And it was all the more necessary for Micaiah
to state all
this fully and fearlessly, since his first message had been
interrupted by
the peevish and false complaint of Ahab to Jehoshaphat, that
it had
happened as he had expected, since Micaiah would never
prophesy aught
but evil of him.
Thus viewed, there is a peculiar depth of meaning and a
grandeur in the
parabolic vision which Micaiah so vividly described. It
would have carried
conviction to all, if they had been open to it. The scene
enacted in the open
market-place of Samaria had its counterpart — its true
spiritual reflex — in
the great court of heaven. Instead of Ahab sitting on his
throne surrounded
by his own flattering prophets, and anticipating his
victorious march upon
Ramoth-Gilead, it was Jehovah, the God of truth, surrounded
by all His
host, who sat on His judgment-seat decreeing the destruction
of the
infatuated king. But as Ahab shall prepare his own
destruction, so shall he
also compass it. And this is quite in accordance with all
God's dealings in
mercy and judgment with Ahab. Ahab has disowned the Lord; he
has now
surrounded himself by these 400 prophets of falsehood to
encourage
himself and those with him in his undertaking. Be it, as he
has chosen for
himself; these prophets shall prophesy — yea, lies — and he
will believe
their smooth prophecy to the disregard of the Divine Will
and warning,
and so perish in his folly and rebellion. All this was so
truthfully
presented in the parabolic vision, and so pictorially set
before those
assembled, that at least Zedekiah, the leader of the false
prophets, could
have no doubt in the matter. However we may explain his
ebullition of
personal resentment in striking Micaiah, whether as a
punishment or to
put upon him a public affront, we can have no difficulty in
understanding
his words (ver. 24). If they sounded like a satirical
reproof of Micaiah' s
presumption in arrogating to himself that he alone had
really the Spirit of
Jehovah, while all the others had not that inspiration — as
if the Spirit of
Jehovah had gone from him to Micaiah — they also convey to
us yet
another meaning. Zedekiah must have known that he had not a
message
from Jehovah, 8 and he had imagined that Micaiah' s prophecy
would be as
self-originated as had been his own. But the words which he
heard left on
him no doubt that Micaiah had truly spoken from Jehovah, and
the
resentment at feeling that this was so, and that Micaiah,
not himself, was
the organ chosen by God, awakened within him feelings which
found
expression in angry words and still angrier deed. It was a
spirit like that of
Simon Magus — only intensified and manifested in manner
congruous to
Old Testament times. And this also explains the reply of
Micaiah, which
was directed against the words of Zedekiah. He should "see,"
quite
perceive, the real difference between the true and the false
prophet, when
he would experience its results. Then, when his prediction
would not only
remain unfulfilled, but appear by the side of the warning of
the true
prophet, as having been false and misleading, would he in
utter disgrace
seek to hide himself from the sight of all men, and to
escape that
punishment of his crime which the survivors from the battle
would no
doubt inflict.
Not a few in that assembly must have understood the real
meaning of the
words of Zedekiah. But the majority would prefer to give
them an
interpretation more consonant with their mood, or at least
more
convenient. It might seem to them — to adopt the language of
many among
ourselves when inconvenient truth is in question — that the
whole matter
had now degenerated into a wrangle between opposing and
rival
theologians. At any rate, the time for all such talk had
passed, and that for
action come. Ramoth-Gilead was theirs; truly and
fairly, by the law of
God and of man, let theologians say what they pleased in
exaltation of
their respective schools and dogmas. And the two kings were
united in an
alliance against the Syrians that could not be unsuccessful:
all was
propitious, let them go up — make a sudden raid upon the
stronghold, and
take what was their own. And to mark how deeply he resented,
and was
able to punish what he regarded as an act of rebellion, Ahab
ordered
Micaiah to be taken back to the custody of Amon, the
governor of the
city. With him the name of Joash, the king's son, perhaps
only a royal
prince, was combined, probably in order to indicate that
Micaiah was a
state prisoner. And as such he was to be treated with
special severity.
Thus far Ahab possessed the requisite power; but when he
added: "Until I
come in peace," he uttered a distinct challenge. To this, by
whomsoever
made — be he prince or private person, and howsoever made,
whether in
public or in private, or even in inward opposition to God's
revealed truth,
there is only this answer: "He that sitteth in the heavens
shall laugh; the
Lord shall have them in derision." But Micaiah could not
allow it to pass
unnoticed. The honor of Jehovah, Whose prophet he was,
required the
reply: "If thou comest at all in peace, Jehovah hath not
spoken by me."
And then, turning to the multitude around, he summoned them
as
witnesses between himself and the king.
We are not told what impression the scene had made upon
Jehoshaphat.
But we cannot help feeling that, in spite of his boastful
language, it must
have had a deep effect even upon Ahab. The expedition
against Ramoth-
Gilead would naturally follow as soon as possible after the
popular
assembly in Samaria. From the circumstance, that Jehu the
prophet of the
Lord delivered the Divine reproof against the alliance of
Jehoshaphat with
Ahab only after the return of the former from the Syrian
campaign (2
Chronicles 19), we are inclined to infer that the king of
Judah had not gone
back to his own dominions before the joint march upon Ramoth-Gilead.
With this accords another impression derived from the
narrative. The
whole account of the battle, the apparently very subordinate
part which
Jehoshaphat played in it, as well as the absence of any
reference to the
army of Judah, and the solitary notice that Jehoshaphat
returned to
Jerusalem in peace (2 Chronicles 19:1), without any
reference to his
people — all convey the impression that Jehoshaphat had,
without
returning to Jerusalem, merely summoned a small Judaean
contingent, so
that his presence and aid — if known at all to the Syrians —
were regarded
as a very secondary element in the campaign. And when we
compare this
with the language of Jehoshaphat on entering into alliance
with Ahab (1
Kings 22:4), and before he had heard the words of Micaiah,
we feel that
the contrast between his promises and performance must have
been due to
the prophetic warning which he had heard.
And as regards Ahab and his people we have similar
indications of inward
misgivings. 9 It was the common practice for kings and
leaders to go into
battle in full array (comp. 2 Samuel 1:10). When Ahab,
therefore, made the
strange proposal that Jehoshaphat alone should go in his
royal robes, while
he disguised himself, this must have been caused by
apprehension of the
Divinely threatened judgment, which after his usual manner
he hoped to
foil by astuteness. And if it be asked why in such case
Jehoshaphat did
not also disguise himself, the obvious answer is, that the
Divine message
had not threatened death to the king of Judah, and that, if
both monarchs
had so disguised themselves, it would have been virtually an
announcement
to their followers that they expected defeat, and the
fulfillment of Micaiah' s prophecy.
This is one side of the picture; the other is that presented
from the Syrian
camp. The military organization, introduced in the former
campaign (1
Kings 20:24), now proved its efficiency. The "thirty and two
captains"
who commanded "the chariots" evidently formed the first line
of attack.
To them Ben-hadad gave special orders to direct their
movements
exclusively against the king of Israel,
10 in the hope that,
with his capture or
death, alike the battle and the campaign would be ended. The
disguise of
Ahab had almost defeated this plan. For when the Syrians
pressed around
the only chariot which bore one in royal apparel, in the
belief that they
fought with Ahab — and this also seems to imply that they
were not
aware of the presence of the king of Judah — Jehoshaphat
"cried out," on
which the Syrians, recognizing that it was not the voice of
Ahab, desisted
from the pursuit. 11 It is impossible to determine whether
Jehoshaphat had
appealed to his pursuers, or called for the support of his
men. But the fact
itself is of sufficient importance to be recorded alike in
the Book of Kings
and in that of Chronicles (2 Chronicles 18:31) and in
precisely the same
terms. But the writer of the Book of Chronicles, who tells
this history
from the standpoint of Judah, as in the Book of Kings it is
related from
that of Israel, adds that the providential deliverance which
Jehoshaphat
experienced was from Jehovah. It is scarcely necessary to
add that this
reflection is not in any way inconsistent with the briefer Israelitish record,
nor implies divergent sources of information.
But the disguise of Ahab, so far from frustrating the
judgment predicted,
only served the more clearly to show the Divine agency in
his destruction.
As the battle continued, a man, "drew a bow in his
simplicity" — that is,
without taking aim at any definite person — when the arrow
struck the
king of Israel "between the joints and the breastplate,"
that is, where the
cuirass which covered the breast met the jointed armor that
protected the
lower part of the body. Such a wound would, of necessity, be
mortal, and
the king directed the driver of the chariot to take him away
from the fight.
But the Syrians were unaware that the king of Israel had
received his fatal
wound. Thicker and hotter grew the fight, and the command of
Ahab could
not be obeyed. And all day long had he to be stayed in his
chariot while his
life was slowly ebbing away. It was a ghastly spectacle, the
disguised king,
mortally struck despite his disguise, now held up in his
chariot, to
continue against his will in the battle. Rarely has history
so visibly and in
every detail taught its Divine lessons. The sun was going
down, and his
slanting rays fell on the dying Ahab — more royal now than
in his life. 12
Presently the sound of battle was stilled, and the rest of
darkness fell on
the combatants. But as the tidings spread of the death of
their king, the
people must have recalled the prophecy of Micaiah. And the
very
remembrance of it led to its literal fulfillment. For
through the host ran the
proclamation which scattered them as sheep that have not a
shepherd:
"Every man to his city, and every man to his own country."
While one prophecy was thus translated into fact, the knell
of yet another
was sounding in the hearing of the house of Ahab, had they
but had ears to
hear it. Through the darkness speeded the chariot that bore
the dead body
of Ahab, lying on its bloody bed. They reached Samaria, and
there they
buried their king. But the chariot full of his gore they
took outside, to wash
in the pool by the city. And, horrible to behold, in the
pale moonlight the
wild masterless dogs, which in the East prowl at night about
the city-
walls, lapped up the water mingled with gore which flowed
out of the
blood-dyed chariot as they washed it. And stranger and still
more horrible,
the red flood in large eddying circles mingled with the
waters of the pool
— that pool where "the harlots washed,"
13 — no doubt where
Jezebel's
priestesses of Astarte, the ministers of the worship of
debauchery, nightly
performed their semi-religious ablutions in that sacred
fishpond, 14 which
here, as in all other places where the Syrian Astarte was
worshipped, had
been constructed and consecrated to the goddess. What a
coincidence, and
how full of deepest significance! But did Ahab's successor
not think of the
blood of Naboth, and the curse which rested on Ahab, not
only as the
murderer of Naboth, but as he who had seduced Israel into
idolatry and all
sin? And did Jezebel not see in this red flood, in which her
priestesses of
the worship of impurity performed their sacred ablutions, a
warning token
of that judgment which was gathering, like a dark cloud,
over her own
head?
But as yet these judgments of the Lord slumbered. "So Ahab
slept with
his fathers, and Ahaziah his son reigned in his stead."
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