JEHOIAKIM (EIGHTEENTH), JEHOIACHIN
(NINETEENTH), ZEDEKIAH (TWENTIETH), KING OF JUDAH.
Character of Jehoiakim'
s Reign — Sketch of the History of Media — Sketch of the
History of Babylonia — Fall of Nineveh — The new Babylonian
Empire — Second Expedition of Necho — Battle of Carchemish —
Advance of Nebuchadnezzar — State of Things in Jerusalem —
Partial Spoil of the Temple — Return of Nebuchadnezzar to
Babylon — Jehoiakim first Prisoner, then Tributary —
Rebellion of Jehoiakim — Death of Jehoiakim and Accession of
Jehoiachin — Siege of Jerusalem — Surrender of Jehoiachin —
His Fate — First Deportation to Babylon — Accession and
Reign of Zedekiah — The Rebellion of Zedekiah — Advance of
Nebuchadnezzar — Siege of Jerusalem — State of matters in
the City — Brief Relief owing to the Advance of an Egyptian
Army — Resumption of the Siege — Capture of part of the City
— Flight and Capture of Zedekiah — The Sentences at Riblah —
Burning of the Temple, Destruction of the City, and
Deportation of Captives — The Prophet Jeremiah — Appointment
of Gedaliah — The Court at Mizpah — Murder of Gedaliah —
Pursuit and Flight of the Murderers — Retreat into Egypt —
Last Prophecies of Jeremiah — End of the Earthly Davidic
Rule — The Desolate Land keeps her Sabbaths.
(2 KINGS 24, 25; 2
CHRONICLES. 36:5-END; WITH CORRESPONDING PASSAGES FROM THE
BOOKS OF JEREMIAH AND OF EZEKIEL.)
The reign of Jehoiakim, which lasted eleven years, was in
every respect
most disastrous. In truth, it was the beginning of the end.
The reformatory
work of Josiah gave place to a restoration of the former
idolatry (comp. 2
Chronicles 36:8). As in previous reigns, it was connected
with complete
demoralization of the people (comp. Jeremiah 7:9-15; 17:2;
19:4-9; Ezekiel
8:9-18). And this not only among the laity, high and low,
but equally
among the priests and prophets (comp. Jeremiah 23:9-14). All
the louder
rose the voices of the prophets' Jeremiah, Urijah, and
Habakkuk. But their
warnings were either unheeded and scorned, or brought on
them
persecution and martyrdom (2 Kings 24:4; Jeremiah 26:10, 11;
and
especially verses 20-23). Otherwise, also, it was a wretched
government,
characterized by public wrong, violence, oppression, and
covetousness.
While the land was impoverished, the king indulged in
luxury, and built
magnificent palaces, or adorned towns, by means of forced
labor, which
remained unpaid, and at the cost of the lives of a miserable
enslaved people
(Jeremiah 22:13-18; Habakkuk 2:9-17).
In these circumstances the crisis could not be long delayed.
As previously
stated, three years after his first expedition, Necho once
more advanced
against the rival empire in the east. There great changes
had taken place.
Nineveh had fallen under the combined assault of
Nabopalassar, king of
Babylonia, and Kyaxares, king of the Medes. Notices, however
brief, of
these events seem necessary for the more complete
understanding of this
history. 1
Media, by which name we understand the district in Asia
reaching from
south of the Caspian Sea, but east of the Zagros mountain,
down to Elam
(Susiana), seems to have been inhabited by a twofold
population: the
earlier settlers being of non-Arian, the later of Arian
descent. Their history
first emerges into clear light during the reign of
Tiglath-pileser II., who
incorporated into the Assyrian empire districts of Media,
these conquests
being continued by S argon and Sennacherib. Media regained
its
independence during the reign of Asurbanipal (668-626, B.C.)
when, as
previously noted, Phraortes of Media made an unsuccessful
inroad upon
Assyria. His successor, Kyaxares (633-593, B.C.), in
conjunction with
Nabopalasar of Babylonia, put an end to the Assyrian empire
and
destroyed Nineveh. 2 But the independence of Media did not
long continue. Astyages, the successor of Kyaxares, was dethroned by Cyrus
(in 558,
B.C.), and his kingdom incorporated with Persia.
The other, and in this history more important factor in the
destruction of
the Assyrian empire, was Babylonia, which took its place.
Babylonia, also
known to us as "the land of the Chaldees," was bounded in
the north by
Armenia and Media as far as Mount Zagros;
3 in the west by
the Arabian
desert; in the south by the Persian Gulf; and in the east by
Elam (Susiana).
Its population was of twofold race. The earliest inhabitants
were non-
Semitic — the Accadians. To them the culture of the people
is really due,
and they were the inventors of the so-called cuneiform
writing. To these
inhabitants there joined themselves at any rate so early as
in the third
millennium before our era, Semitic immigrants, coming from
Arabia. They
occupied, in the first place, Southern Babylonia, in and
around Ur, whence
they gradually spread northwards, slowly gaining the mastery
over the
earlier nationality, but receiving the impress of its
culture. These settlers
were what we know by the name of the Chaldees. To the
earlier history of
Babylonia and its relations with Assyria, we have, so far as
necessary for
our present purpose, already adverted in connection with
Merodach-bal-
adan. Without here entering into the troubled period of the
contests
between Assyria (under Tiglath-pileser, Sargon, and
Sennacherib) and
Babylonia for its independence, we recall the rebellion of
Saos-duchin, the
brother of Asurbanipal, whom he had appointed viceroy of
Babylon. After
the suppression of that rising, and the death of Saosduchin,
Asurbanipal
himself assumed the crown of Babylon. But, as we have seen,
his
successors could not maintain the supremacy of Assyria.
After the final
defeat of the Scythians, the Medes, under Kyaxares, were
advancing a
second time against Assyria. The last king of that empire
was purposing
himself to make a stand against them. But Nabopalassar,
instead of holding
Babylonia for Assyria, had turned against it, and made
common cause with
the enemy, cementing the new alliance by the marriage of his
son,
Nebuchadnezzar, with Amytis, the daughter of Kyaxares. The
two armies
now marched against Nineveh, which made brave resistance.
Saracus
destroyed himself in the flames of his palace, and Nineveh
was utterly laid
waste.
With Nabopalassar, who founded the new Babylonian empire,
began the
period of the Chaldees — as they are chiefly known to us in
Scripture.
Here we may at once indicate that he was succeeded by his
son,
Nebuchadrezzar (or Nebuchadnezzar), and he in turn by his
son, Evil-
merodach, who, after two years' reign, was dethroned by his
brother-in-
law, Neriglissar. After four years (559-556, B.C.)
Neriglissar was succeeded
by his youthful son, Laborosoarchod. After his murder,
Nabonidos
(Nabunit, Nabunaid)acceded to the government, but after
seventeen years'
reign (555-539 B.C.) was dethroned by Cyrus. The eldest son
of
Nabonidos, and heir to the throne, was Belshazzar, whom we
know from
the Book of Daniel, where, in a not unusual manner, he is
designated as the
son, that is, the descendant of Nebuchadrezzar (Daniel 5:2,
11, 18). We
infer that, while his father, Nabonidos, went to meet Cyrus,
to whom he
surrendered, thereby preserving his life, Belshazzar had
been left as "king"
in Babylon, 4 at the taking of which he perished in the
night of his feast,
described in Holy Scripture.
From these almost necessary digressions we return to the
Biblical history.
It was three years after his first expedition that Pharaoh
Necho once more
turned his arms against the eastern empire. Even the
direction of his march,
as indicated by the battle fought at Carchemish, shows that
the expedition
was really intended against Assyria. But Nineveh had fallen,
and the
Egyptian army was encountered by the youthful heir to the
new
Babylonian empire, Nebuchadrezzar — in the inscriptions
Nabukudurri-usur 5 — "Nebo, protect the crown." The Egyptian army was
thoroughly
defeated and followed by the victorious Nebuchadrezzar, who
now
recovered the Assyrian possessions in Western Asia, which
had been lost
in the previous reign. The date of this battle deserves
special attention. For
the victory of Carchemish (606 or 605 B.C.) was gained by
the Babylonian
army in the fourth year of Jehoiakim (Jeremiah 46:2), and it
was in the
same fourth year of his reign that Jeremiah made Baruch
write in a book
his prophetic denunciations of judgment (Jeremiah 36:1). The
conjunction
of these two events is deeply significant.
What followed can be easily understood. As Nebuchadrezzar
advanced
towards Palestine (2 Kings 24: 1) — in the fifth year of the
reign of
Jehoiakim — the Jewish king, in abject fear, proclaimed a
national fast
(Jeremiah 36:9). Whether this was done from superstition, or
for the sake
of popular effect, or else in hope of conciliating the
prophet and his
adherents, certain it is that the professed repentance was
hypocritical. The
book of Jeremiah's prophecies, which Baruch had publicly
read on that
occasion, was cut in pieces by the king himself, and thrown
on the fire
(Jeremiah 36:22, 23). Jeremiah and Baruch only escaped
imprisonment, if
not death, by timely concealment. Nevertheless,
Nebuchadrezzar appeared
in Jerusalem. Jehoiakim, who would be regarded as a vassal
of Egypt, was
bound in fetters, with the intention of being carried to
Babylon. This,
however, was not done — perhaps because of the summons which
rapidly
recalled Nebuchadrezzar to Babylon. But the vessels of the
temple 6 were
sent to Babylon, and placed, first in the victor's palace,
and then in the
temple of his god — probably Bel-Merodach or Belus (comp. 2
Kings
24:13; 2 Chronicles 36:6, 7; Jeremiah 35:11; 36:29-31;
Daniel 1:2; and for
the date also Jeremiah 25: 1). 7 During the Syrian campaign
of Nebuchadrezzar his father, Nabopalassar, had sickened.
Tidings of his
death now induced the heir to the crown speedily to return
to Babylon,
committing his Jewish, Phoenician, Syrian, and Egyptian
captives, together
with the spoil, to his subordinates (Jos. Ant. x. II, i).
Jehoiakim was allowed to remain for three years as a
tributary to
Babylonia (2 Kings 24: 1). At the end of that time he
rebelled.
Nebuchadrezzar, who was probably detained by domestic
affairs, left his
punishment, in the first place, in the hands of his Chaldean
garrisons, and
of the old hereditary enemies who surrounded Judah. In the
latter respect
it is specially significant that the account in the Book of
Kings attributes
this to the direct agency of the Lord, in fulfillment of His
purpose of
judgment (2 Kings 24:2). The king of Egypt, who probably was
not
without share in the rebellion of Jehoiakim, did not venture
to come to the
aid of the land which was overrun by the enemy (2 Kings
24:7). In the
midst of these troubles Jehoiakim died — perhaps by the hand
of his
assailants. The king who had wrought so much evil (2 Kings
24:4), and
who had brought such misfortunes on his land, descended into
the grave
unmourned and unhonored (Jeremiah 22:18, 19; 36:30).
Jehoiakim was succeeded by his son, Jehoiachin ("Jehovah
confirms"), a
youth of eighteen years, 8 who reigned for only three months
and ten days
(2 Chronicles 36:9). He occupied the throne when Nebuchadrezzar himself
appeared a second time on the soil of Palestine (2 Kings 24:
1 1). It is
impossible to determine whether what now happened was in
punishment
of the previous rebellion, or because the young king was
guilty of similar
intrigues with Egypt. From the indications in Holy Scripture
we are led to
suppose that the queen-mother, Nehushta ("the brazen"), the
daughter of
Elnathan, an influential prince of Jerusalem (2 Kings 24:8;
Jeremiah 36:12,
25), had considerable share in the events of this brief
reign. We infer this,
on the one hand, from the connection of her father with
Egypt (Jeremiah
26:22), and on the other from the pointed references to her
and her fate (2
Kings 24:12; Jeremiah 13:18; 22:26; 29:2).
9
At first the siege of Jerusalem was entrusted to subordinate
officers. But
when the fall of the city seemed near Nebuchadnezzar himself
appeared.
Jehoiachin, together with the queen-mother, the court, the
princes, and the
leaders seem to have surrendered to the victor. The
punishment inflicted
on the city was of signal severity. All the treasures of the
temple and the
palace were carried away, the heavier furnishings of the
sanctuary 10 being
cut in pieces. Thus was the word of the Lord, long and often
spoken,
fulfilled (2 Kings 24:12, 13). The king himself, his mother,
his wives, and
all the officials, whether of the court, the state, or the
army, were carried to
Babylon. Nay, to make sure of the permanence of the
conquest, "all
Jerusalem" — in the sense of what made it the capital — and
all who in
any sense were "strong and apt for war" — who could either
lead, or fight,
or prepare the means for it — were carried into captivity.
Their number is
roughly stated as 11,000 (11,023[?] comp. Jeremiah 52:28),
11
comprising
3,000 ranked as "princes" and leading citizens, 7,000
soldiers (10,000, 2
Kings 24:14), and 1,000 craftsmen, especially smiths (2
Kings 24:13-16).
Considering that the total population of Jerusalem at that
time — including
women and children — is only calculated at between 50,000
and 60,000
souls, only a sparse remnant can have been left behind — and
that wholly
composed of "the poorest sort of the people of the land."
Among the
captives was also the prophet Ezekiel (Ezekiel 1:1, 2; 40:1,
comp.
Jeremiah 29:1).
We may as well here relate the sequel of Jehoiachin' s
history. For thirty-
seven years he lingered in a Babylonian prison. At the end
of that period
Evil-merodach ("the man of Merodach"), the son and successor
of
Nebuchadrezzar, showed him favor. Selected from out the
other captive
kings he was restored to rank, admitted to the royal table
as one of the
vassals at the court of the Babylonian monarch, and had a
regular
allowance assigned to him suited to the wants of his family
and
establishment. This continued till his death, the date of
which is uncertain
(2 Kings 25:27-30; Jeremiah 52:31, 34).
12
We now rapidly near the close of this history. On his
departure from
Jerusalem Nebuchadrezzar had, with singular generosity,
appointed a king
of the old Davidic lineage. His choice had fallen on
Mattaniah ("the gift of
Jehovah"), whose name was changed
13 into Zedekiah ("the
righteousness
of Jehovah"). The new king was the uncle of Jehoiachin,
being the
youngest son of Josiah by the same mother as Jehoahaz (comp.
2 Kings
23:31). The eleven years of his reign may be summed up in
the brief
formula which described that of Jehoiakim, as of so many
others: "he did
the evil in the sight of Jehovah." And significantly the
sacred text adds:
"For because of the anger of Jehovah did it come to pass in
Jerusalem
and in Judah, until He cast them out from His presence. And
Zedekiah rebelled against the King of Babylon" (2 Kings. 24: 20).
14
The "rebellion" of Zedekiah was the more culpable and
aggravated that he
had taken a solemn oath of fidelity to Nebuchadrezzar (2
Chronicles 36:13;
Ezekiel 17:13). The precise circumstances which led up to
his attempt at
independence cannot be fully ascertained. Still there are
sufficient
indications to show the progress of what ultimately ended in
open revolt. 15
The first care of the new king must have been to gather
around him
counselors and people. As all the most prominent and able
men of Judah
were in captivity, the task would in any circumstances have
been one of
extreme difficulty. In the present instance the measures
taken seem to have
been disastrous. The capital and the Temple were the scene
of every
idolatry (Ezekiel 8), while the administration of justice
would appear to
have been of the worst kind (Jeremiah 21:11, 12). It was
not long before
political intrigues began. Soon ambassadors from Edom, Moab, Ammon,
Tyre, and Sidon, appeared at the court of Zedekiah — no
doubt to
deliberate about a combined movement against Babylonia
(Jeremiah 27). 16
Perhaps the contemplated rising was connected with troubles
which Nebuchadrezzar had at that time to encounter in Elam (comp.
Jeremiah
49:34-39). 17 But all such hopes were doomed to speedy
disappointment.
Zedekiah now deemed it prudent to send ambassadors to
Babylon to
assure his suzerain of his fidelity. The messengers also
carried with them
letters from Jeremiah to the exiles, who seem to have been
in a state of
restless expectation, probably due to the plans of Zedekiah
(Jeremiah 29:1
and follow.). This was in the fourth year of Zedekiah
(Jeremiah 28:1).
How such hopes were fostered by false prophets appears from
Jeremiah
28, which records the predictions of one Hananiah, and the
Divine
punishment which overtook him. The embassy to Babylon seems
not to
have appeased the suspicions of Nebuchadrezzar, and Zedekiah
had to
appear personally in Babylon (Jeremiah 51:59). This closes
the first scene
in the drama.
The next scene opens with fresh intrigues — this time
chiefly with Egypt
(Ezekiel 17:15-18) — probably through the numerous Judaean
immigrants
to that country (Jeremiah 24:8). Neighboring tribes, were,
however, also
implicated. Whether Zedekiah now deemed himself sufficiently
strong
with the help of Egypt, or else it was impossible any longer
to conceal the
plans of the allies, certain it is that he now openly
rebelled (2 Kings
24:20). His punishment came quickly. Nebuchadrezzar advanced
with his
army, and pitched his camp at Riblah — significantly, the
same place
where Jehoahaz had been cast into bonds by Necho (2 Kings
23:33).
Riblah remained the headquarters of the Babylonian army, as
being a
convenient point whence to operate against Palestine and
Tyre on the one
side, and on the other against Ammon and Moab (Ezekiel
21:19, 20, 22,
28; 26:1-7). Presently all Judaea was overrun. Indeed, it
was entirely
defenseless, with the exception of the fortified towns of
Lachish, Azekah,
and Jerusalem (Jeremiah 34:7). Against Jerusalem itself
Nebuchadrezzar
and his host now laid siege. This was on the tenth day of
the tenth month
of the ninth year of Zedekiah (2 Kings 25: 1; Jeremiah 39:
1).
In the city, the greatness of the danger gave rise to what
might have seemed
feelings of repentance, alternating, however, with opposite
tendencies, as
amidst the general stupefaction and helplessness one or the
other party
had the upper hand. In the midst of it all the king seemed
as one utterly
lost. At first all was energy. The useless houses which the
kings and the
nobles had reared, were thrown down, and their place and
materials used
for the defenses of the city (Jeremiah 33:4). It was a vain
measure — and
these defenses only became the graves of those who held
them. Popular
measures also were adopted. The king made a covenant with
the people,
and a solemn proclamation restored freedom to all of Hebrew
nationality
— men and women — whom previous exactions, violence, and
unrighteousness had reduced to, or kept in, slavery
(Jeremiah 34:8, 9). The
"princes" sulkily submitted. But during the brief time that
the Babylonians
withdrew to meet the Egyptian army, they not only ignored
what had been
done, but once more reduced to bondage those who had so
lately been set
free (Jeremiah 34:10, 11).
As for Zedekiah himself, his conduct was characterized by
that helpless
perplexity and vacillation, which were the outcome of
weakness and want
of religious conviction. Deputations were sent to Jeremiah
for inquiry of
the Lord, and appeal to Him in name of past deliverances
(Jeremiah 21:1,
2; 37:3). And yet, at the same time, the king imprisoned and
maltreated the
prophets. All this according as his nobles either opposed or
protected
Jeremiah. Yet when the prophet clearly set before the king
the certain
alternative of resistance and captivity, or else surrender
and safety
(Jeremiah 34:2-6, 38:17,18), Zedekiah could form no
decision. Most
characteristic of the situation is Jeremiah 38. As we read
it, the king first
yielded to his princes, who even ventured to charge the
prophet with
treacherous designs (Jeremiah 37:13), and Jeremiah was cast
into a
loathsome dungeon. Next, Zedekiah listened to intercessions
on the other
side, and Jeremiah was at least removed from the
subterranean prison,
where his feet had sunk in mire, and more humanely treated.
Then the king
actually sent for him and consulted him. Nay, he not only
most solemnly
swore to protect him, but seemed willing to follow his
advice and
surrender to the Chaldeans. But once more fear prevented his
taking that
step, notwithstanding the assurances of Jeremiah. In the end
Zedekiah was
even in fear that his nobles should hear of his conference
with the prophet,
and bade him give a different interpretation to their
interview.
Meantime the siege was continuing, without hope of relief.
Tyre suffered
straits similar to those of Jerusalem, while Ammon, Moab,
Edom, and the
Philistines had not only withdrawn from the alliance, but
were waiting to
share in the spoil of Judah (Ezekiel 25). At length a gleam
of hope
appeared. An Egyptian army, under their King Hophra, the
grandson of
Necho, advanced through Phoenicia, and obliged the Chaldeans
to raise the
siege of Jerusalem (Jeremiah 37:5-7). The exultation and
reaction in
Jerusalem may be imagined — and it was probably in
consequence of it
that Jeremiah, who still predicted calamity, was cast into
prison (ib. ver.
4). But the relief of Jerusalem was brief. The Egyptian army
had to retire,
and the siege of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans was resumed, and
that under
even more disadvantageous circumstances to the besieged. To
the other
calamities that of famine was now added (2 Kings 25:3). Of
the horrors of
that time Jeremiah has left a record in the Book of
Lamentations (comp. i
19; ii. 11, 12, 20; iv. 3-10). The last resistance was soon
overcome. On the
ninth day of the fourth month [Tammuz], in the eleventh year
of
Zedekiah, the enemy gained possession of the northern suburb
(2 Kings
25:4; Jeremiah 39:2, 3; 52:6, 7). Before the middle gate the
Babylonian
captains held a council of war (Jeremiah 39:2, 3). Then the
king and all the
regular army sought safety in flight during the darkness of
the night
(Jeremiah 39:4). As the Chaldeans held the northern part of
the city, they
fled southwards. Between the two walls, through the
Tyropoeon, then out
of the "fountain-gate," and through the king's garden, they
made haste to
gain the Jordan. But their flight could not remain
unobserved. They were
pursued and overtaken in the plains of Jericho. The soldiers
dispersed in
various directions. But the king himself and his household
were taken
captives, and carried to the headquarters at Riblah, where
Nebuchadrezzar
himself was at the time. Here Zedekiah was formally
arraigned and
sentence given against him. His daughters were set free, but
his sons were
slain before him. It was the last sight the king saw. His
eyes were put
out; 18 he was bound hands and feet with double fetters of
brass, and so
carried to Babylon. (Compare 2 Kings 25:4-7; Jeremiah 4-7;
43:6; Ezekiel
12:12, 13.) There he died in ward 19 (Jeremiah 52:11).
The remainder of this mournful tale is soon told. After the
flight and
capture of the king, the city could not long hold out. A
month later, 20 and
on the seventh day of the fifth month (Ab) Nebuzar-adan
["Nebo gave
posterity"] penetrated into the city. The Temple was set on
fire, as well as
the king's palace. The whole city was reduced to ruins and
ashes, and the
walls which had defended it were broken down (2 Kings 25:9,
10). After
three days the work of destruction was completed; and ever
afterwards
was the 10th (9th) of Ab mourned as the fatal day of
Jerusalem's fall 21
(Jeremiah 52:12; Zechariah 7:3, 5; 8:19). "The rest of the
people left in the
city," and those who had previously passed to the enemy,
together "with
the remnant of the multitude," were carried away (2 Kings
25:11). We can
scarcely be mistaken in regarding these captives as the
chief part of the
non-combatant population of Jerusalem and Judah.
The capture of Jerusalem found Jeremiah in prison for his
faithfulness in
announcing the coming ruin, and for warning his people of
their impending
fate. But the same faith and faithfulness led him there to
yet loftier display
of the prophetic character than even when bearing steadfast
testimony
amidst gainsaying, persecution, and suffering. In that
prison, and in full
view of the impending desolation, he announced, with the
same firm faith
as formerly the judgments upon Israel, not only the terrible
doom that
would overtake Babylon (Jeremiah 51:1), but also the certain
restoration of
Israel. And in sublime confidence of this event, he bought
while in prison
— in this also obedient to the Divine direction — fields in
Anathoth, as it
were in anticipation of the return of his people to their
own land (Jeremiah
32:6-23). And beyond this did his rapt vision descry a
better and spiritual
restoration of Israel (Jeremiah 32:37-44). Assuredly,
viewing the Prophet
in the surroundings of his time and circumstances, it is not
easy to
understand how any one can fail to perceive either the
sublime dignity of
the prophetic office, or the Divine character of prophecy.
But the end has not yet been fully told. All of any value in
the Temple
that could be removed, either whole or when broken up, was
taken to
Babylon. As already stated, the general population of
Jerusalem and of
Judah were carried into captivity. Only the poorest in the
land were left to
be husbandmen and vine-dressers, so as not to leave the soil
uncultivated
— probably in expectation of a future colonization from
Babylonia.
Lastly, signal punishment was dealt out to those who were
regarded as
ringleaders or as representative persons during the late
rebellion.
"Seraiah, 22 the chief priest" (high priest), "Zephaniah,
23
the second priest"
(probably the substitute of the high priest), "and the three
keepers of the
door" — that is, the chiefs of the Levites who kept watch at
the three
Temple gates (Jeremiah 38:14), were brought before the court
which sat at Riblah, and executed. The same punishment as that of the
Temple officials
was meted out to the royal officers in the city — the
chamberlain who had
charge of the troops, 24 five of the king's councilors, and
the secretary of
the general of the army. With these were executed sixty of
the people of
the land, either as prominent in the late rebellion, or as
representing the
people generally.
The civil administration of the country was entrusted by
Nebuchadrezzar
to Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam. The latter had held a high
position in the
reign of Josiah (2 Kings 22:12), and was even more
distinguished for the
piety and courage which saved the life of Jeremiah in the
time of Jehoiakim
(Jeremiah 26:24). The same adherence to the prophetic Word
had induced
Gedaliah to support the unpopular advice of submission to
Nebuchadrezzar. Information of all that passed in the city
would no doubt
reach the camp of the Chaldeans, and it would be in
consequence of what
he had heard that Nebuchadrezzar appointed Gedaliah to his
post. It was
also this, as well as respect for the prophet and his
office, which must
have induced the king to give such charge about Jeremiah to
Nebuzar-adan,
his chief captain (Jeremiah 39:11-14; 40:1-4). The prophet
was apparently
set at liberty, but afterwards, by some mistake, carried
with the other
captives in chains to Ramah. Here the error was discovered,
and Nebuzar-
adan gave the prophet the choice of either going to Babylon,
where all
honorable provision should be made for him, or of settling
in any part of
the country. With true patriotic feeling, as well as in
accordance with his
prophetic work, Jeremiah chose to remain with the new Jewish
governor,
in order to support his authority, and to guide by his
counsel the remnant
of the people. But even this proved a thankless and a
hopeless task.
Gedaliah had taken up his residence in the ancient historic
Mizpah.
Thither all that was left of Judah's representative men
gathered, as also the
wives, daughters, and children of the slain and the
captives. Thither also
came the fugitives who had sought safety in neighboring
lands, as well as
the remnants of the dispersed Jewish army. A court was being
formed, and
the governor was surrounded by a Chaldean and Jewish guard
(Jeremiah
40:6-end; 41:3; 43:6). It even seems as if a kind of
sanctuary had been set
up (Jeremiah 41:5). For a brief time it appeared as if not
only peace but a
measure of prosperity were to be vouchsafed to the remnant
of Judah. But
once more all such hopes were disappointed. The rule of
Gedaliah lasted
only two months.
Chief among them who had come to him was Ishmael, the son of
Nathaniah, himself of the seed royal. Partly in the hope of
possessing
himself of the government, to which his descent might lead
him to aspire,
and partly at the instigation of Baalis, the king of the
Ammonites — who
no doubt had purposes of his own in the matter — Ishmael put
himself at
the head of a gang of conspirators (comp. 2 Kings 25:25;
Jeremiah 40:8-
16). In vain the generous Gedaliah was warned of his danger.
Incapable of
treachery himself, he would not believe in that of others,
nor sanction
measures of needful self-defense. Accordingly the plan of
the conspirators
was carried out. Gedaliah and all who were around him were
massacred,
and their dead bodies cast into the pit which, long before,
Asa the king had
made, for fear of Baasha, king of Israel (Jeremiah 41:1-9).
Only ten men
escaped slaughter by promises of rich supplies to the
conspirators.
But even so the measure was not full. After his bloody
success at Mizpah,
Ishmael had carried away captive not only the women, but all
the people,
with the intention of passing over to the Ammonites. But
when tidings of
the crimes perpetrated reached Johanan, the son of Kareah,
and the
captains of the forces in the fields, who had formerly in
vain warned
Gedaliah of his danger (Jeremiah 40:13-16), they mustered to
avenge the
wrong. They pursued and overtook Ishmael at Gibeon. The
captive Jews
now made common cause with their deliverers, and Ishmael
escaped with
only eight followers into Ammon. But the faith of Johanan
and his
companions was not equal to the occasion. Afraid that the
Chaldeans
would avenge on them the treachery and slaughter at Mizpah,
they drew
off towards Egypt. With hypocritical pretense of a desire
that Jehovah
might through His prophet show them whither to go and what
to do, they
approached the prophet. Jeremiah was to inquire of the Lord
— and they
gave solemn promise implicitly to obey the voice of Jehovah.
Yet all the
time they had resolved to retire into Egypt. And so Jeremiah
told them
when he brought them the twofold message from his God, that
they might
dismiss all fear of the Chaldeans if they remained in the
land; but that if
they sought safety in Egypt, the sword of the conqueror, who
would smite
down their protector, should surely overtake them.
The warning was in vain. The message of Jeremiah was
represented as
only the outcome of his own and of Baruch's personal
resentment; and the
leaders of Judah carried the feeble remnant to Tahpanhes in
Egypt — there
yet again to hear the voice of the aged prophet, announcing
the coming
judgment on the country, where, in their unbelief and
hard-heartedness,
they had sought shelter (comp. Jeremiah 42 and 43).
So the last remnant of Judah had gone from the land. The
Davidic rule had
passed away, so far as merely earthly power was concerned.
The Davidic
kingdom to come would be wider, higher, deeper. It would
embrace the
brotherhood of man; it would reach up to heaven; it would
root in
righteousness, and peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost.
But over all the land would be desolateness and stillness.
Yet was it a
"stillness unto God." The land was keeping long-neglected
silent Sabbath
unto God' ten times, "to fulfill three-score and ten years."
25 It was just
about seventy years 26 after the battle of Carchemish, which
really decided
the fate of Palestine and its subjection to Babylon, that,
like the priests'
silver trumpets at morn in the Temple, the voice of Cyrus
announced the
dawn of morning after the long night of exile, and summoned
the wanderers
from all lands to the threshold of their sanctuary (2
Chronicles 36:21-23).
Again is the land keeping Sabbath. And again is it
"stillness unto God," till
His Voice shall waken land and people, Whose are land and
people,
dominion and peace: till He shall come Who is alike the goal
and the
fulfillment of all past history and prophecy "a light to
lighten the Gentiles,
and the glory of Thy people Israel."
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