2984. Toward the later end of autumn, Consul P. Sulpitius Galba, crossed over with an army into Macedonia against Philippus. He was met by ambassadors from Athens who desired that he would raise the seige. Thereupon he sent C. Claudius Cento with a certain number of ships full of soldiers to relieve Athens. Philippus himself did not besiege it but was engaged with the siege of Abydus. (Livy l. 31.)

2985. The men of Abydus recalled their oath and fought so hard that when the night should have ended the fight between them, Philippus was amazed at their courage or rather at their rage in fighting. He was forced to withdraw and to sound a retreat. Glaucides and Theognetus conferred with some of the elders of the town. These had the hardest part to play in this tragedy. They saw that after the fight, there were but few of their men left and these were wearied with wounds and blood which they had lost. As soon as it was day, they sent their priests, in their robes to surrender the town to Philippus. When the town people knew of this, they immediately were so desperate with rage that each man ran to kill his wife and children. They then killed each other. The king was amazed at their fury and ordered his soldiers to stay away. He said that he would give the Abydenians 3 days to die. In that time they did more barbarous acts of cruelty on themselves than they would have expected from an enraged enemy. None was taken alive by the enemy that was not in prison and who was free to kill himself. The king seized their wealth which they had brought all into one place to destroy it. He left a garrison in the place and departed. (Livy l. 31. Polyb. l. 16. p. 738. 739.)

2986. When he came to Bargyllii, he was very troubled to see the Romans, Rhodians and Attalus allied to make war against him. When his army was almost famished, Zeuxis the governor of Lydia and the cities of Mylassa, Alabanda and Milesia sent him some small provisions to relieve them. Against his nature, he flattered any that brought him supplies. When they stopped, he plotted against them. Philocles advised a plan to take Mylassa. When it failed through his own folly, Philippus went and wasted the territory of the Alabandi. These were his good benefactors but he treated them like public enemies. The only reason he gave was that his soldiers needed food. (Polyb. l. 16, in Excerpt. Vales. p. 86, 89.)

2987. In the 55th year of the second period of Calippus, in the 548th year of Nabonassar, on the 9th of the month Machir about midnight, in the beginning of March 20th, there was a total eclipse of the moon at Alexandria. (Cl. Ptol. l. 4. c. 11.)

2988. The next summer the Romans, with the help of Attalus and the Rhodians made war on Philippus and his associates in Macedonia. (Livy l. 31.)

2989. Scopas, the head man of all Etolia, was sent from Alexandria by Ptolemy, with a great quantity of money. He hired 6000 foot soldiers in addition to cavalry and shipped them away to Egypt. He would have left no one who could serve in the military if he had his way. However, Damocritus reminded them of the war which they were ready to engage in and of the weakness of the country if they all went. For this reason a large number of the men that were going changed their minds and stayed home. It is uncertain whether he did this out of a true zeal for his country or if Scopas did not bribe him as he did with others. (Livy l. 31.)

2990. About this time Josephus, the son of Tobias, died. The people of Jerusalem were thrown into an uproar by the quarrel of his sons. The older brothers tried to make war on their youngest brother Hyrcanus, of whom I spoke before. Many of the Jews favoured the older brothers including, Simon the high priest because of his family ties. (Josephus l. 12. c. 5.)

2991. In the 55th year of the second period of Calippus, in the 548th year of Nabonassar, on the 5th of the month Mesor, at three o'clock after midnight, on September the 12th there was a total eclipse of the moon at Alexandria. (Cl. Ptol. l. 4. c. 11.)

2992. Before the autumnal equinox, Oreum surrendered to Attalus. He was present at the feast of Eueusis in Athens. When he had sent home Agesimbrotus and the Rhodians, he returned into Asia. (Livy l. 31.)

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2993. After Simon the 2nd died, his son Onius the 3rd succeeded him in the high priesthood of the Jews. (Josephus l. 12. c. 4, 5.) He was a good man. He was gracious, well respected, meek and very cautious in his speech. From his youth he behaved in a very virtuous manner. /APC 2Ma 15:12 In the Fasti Siculi (for here Scaliger's Greek Eusebian Fragments fail us,) he is said to have been high priest for 24 years.

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2994. Ptol. Epiphanes sent a large army under the command of Scopas into Coelosyria. By force, he recovered many cities for Ptolemy including Jerusalem. (Josephus Antiquit. l. 12, c. 3.) Polybius adds: (l. 16.)

``Scopas, the general of Ptolemy's army, marched into the upper regions and subdued the country of the Jews in the winter season:''

2995. Jerome on Da 11 says this:

``When Antiocus held Judea, Scopas the Etolian was sent as general of Ptolemy's forces. He fought valiantly against Antiochus and captured Judea and returned into Egypt.''

2996. Meanwhile Antiochus invaded Attalus' kingdom which at that time was undefended because its forces were employed for the Romans in the Macedonian war. (Livy l. 32.)

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2997. When the senate of Rome had entertained complaints made by Attalus, they sent their ambassadors to Antiochus. They told him that the Romans at that time made use of Attalus' military forces against the Macedonians, a common enemy to both of them. The Romans would be pleased if he did not meddle with the kingdom of Attalus. It was befitting that the kings that were in league and friendship with the people of Rome should also live in peace among themselves. When Antiochus heard this, he withdrew and ceased from any further war against Attalus. Attalus sent his ambassadors to the senate of Rome to thank them for this great favour they did for him. He gave them a crown of gold of 246 pounds for the capitol. (Livy l. 32.)

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2998. At this time, two fleets from Asia, the one under Attalus the king, consisting of 24 ships of 5 tiers of oars a piece and the other from Rhodes of 20 fighting ships commanded by Agesimbrotus joined the Roman fleet. They pursued Philippus as fast as they could. (Livy l. 32.)

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2999. That summer, Antiochus took in all the cities of Coelosyria which Ptolemy controlled. (Livy l. 33.) When Antiochus defeated Scopas in a battle, he recovered all the cities of Syria and grew friendly and favourable to the Jewish nation. (Chron. Euseb.)

3000. Antiochus met Scopas at the head of the river Jordan, where the city Paneas was later built and defeated him. When he had recovered the cities which Scopas had taken from him along with Samaria, the Jews voluntarily submitted to him. They received his whole army with his elephants into their city and supported and helped them, in the siege of the citadel where Scopas had put a garrison. Josephus (Antiqu. l. 12. c. 3.) confirms this from a letter which Antiochus wrote to Ptolemy, the captain of the garrison. He states from Polybius (l. 16.) that after the defeat of Scopas, Antiochus took in Batanea, Samaria, Abila and Gadara. The Jews who lived at Jerusalem where the famous temple was, surrendered to him. Antiochus took and destroyed Gaza which withstood him and sided with Ptolemy. All this is written also in the same book of Polybius. See Vales. Excerpt. (p. 77. & 86.)

3001. Zeno Rhodius, in his Local History, mentioned by Laertius (l. 7.) has described in detail this battle between Antiochus and Scopas at Panias near the source of the Jordan River. This with other excerpts of his from Polybius, the most learned Henry Valesius has given us. (p. 77, 78, 81.) Antiochus routed Scopas and pursued him to Sidon. He besieged him with 10,000 troops. Ptolemy sent to rescue him, 3 famous captains, Eropus, Menocles and Damozenus. They were unable to raise the siege. Finally Scopas surrendered from hunger and he and his troops were allowed to leave the place, stark naked. (Jerome on Da 11)

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3002. By that victory at Panias, Antiochus recovered all Phoenicia, Coelosyria and the other cities of the country. Although Syria belonged rightfully to the kings of Egypt, (Justin. l. 31. c. 1.) he left them to be held after this by the kings of Syria. (Polyb. Legat. 72. p. 893.) Antiochus returned to winter in Antioch. (Livy l. 33.)

3003. In the 551st year of Nabonassar and the 3 years proceeding, the 17th day of the month Athyr, which is unmoveable, to the 21st, as Plutarch in his book, De Iside & Osyride, tells us, the Egyptians celebrated the feast of Isis. This was on December 28th as we have shown in the 7th chapter of our book, "De Macedonum & Asianorum, anno Solari." Eudoxus placed the winter solstice at this time. When Dositheus notes this in his Octaeris, (which, Censorinus tells us was attributed to Eudoxus) or in his Parapegma annexed to it which he published at Coloniae near Athens, (or rather at Coloni in Eolia). Hence it came to pass that the Greeks were of the opinion mentioned by Geminus (c. 6. of his astronomical work), that the feast of Isis was always kept on the winter solstice. This was the shortest day of the year. He there also shows this error was formerly noted in Eratosthenes, in his commentary De Octtaeride.

3004. In this winter season, Philippus came to talk with the Roman consul, Ti. Quinctius Flaminius. He wanted to know the conditions of peace. Among the conditions that Flaminius mentioned was that Philippus should restore to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, all the cities which he had taken since the death of Ptolemy Philopator, his father. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 43, Livy l. 32.)

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3005. In the same year there was an earthquake between the two islands of Theramene (or Thera) and Therasia, in the middle of the sea between them. This created a new island with hot springs. The same day in Asia an earthquake shook Rhodes and many other cities and destroyed many houses there. Some cities were completely swallowed up whole. Thereupon their priests and soothsayers predicted that the rising Roman Empire would swallow up and devour the kingdoms both of Macedonia and Asia. (Justin, l. 30. c. 4.)

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3006. In the beginning of spring, Flaminius sent for Attalus to come to him to Elatia. He went with him to Thebes to try to persuade the Boeotians to join the league with the Romans. Attalus made a speech to them and spoke with more force than his voice could endure. He was now grown old and he suddenly became speechless and fell down. He was sick in Thebes and one side of his body was paralysed. Quintius saw that he was in no danger of dying but needed time to recover from the weakness of his body. He left him there and returned to Elatia from where he came. (Livy in the beginning of 33rd book, printed at Rome, from the manuscript of Bamberg and at Paris 1616 AD with Plutarch in the life of Quinc. Flamin.)

3007. At the same time, Antiochus sent his two sons, Ardues and Mithridates, ahead of him by land and wanted them to wait for him at Sardis. He set sail with 100 fighting ships and other smaller vessels and planned to try to do what he could with the cities of Caria and Cilicia which were controlled by Ptolemy. He hoped to assist Philippus by sea and land. He first took over Zephyrium, Soli and Aphrodisias. He rounded the cape of Anemurium, a foreland of Cilicia. Selinus and other towns, cities and citadels all along that coast surrendered without resistance to him either from fear or to court his favour. At last he came to Coracesium, which much to his surprise, shut their gates to him. (Livy, l. 33.)

3008. While Antiochus besieged Coracesium, Rhodes sent him ambassadors to him. They told him that if he did not stay on the other side of Nephelis, a cape of Cilicia, they would oppose him. This was not for any grudge they had against him but to keep him from joining with Philippus and that he might not interfere with the Romans who had now undertaken to procure and maintain the liberty of Greece. When he heard this, he controlled his anger. He told them only that he would send his ambassadors to Rhodes to deal with this matter. They had instructions to renew the leagues formerly made between them and him and his forefathers. They were to tell them not to fear his coming to them for he would do no harm to them or any of their friends. He would not infringe on his friendship with the Romans. His reply satisfied them. (Livy l. 33.)

3009. The Rhodians laid claim to Peraea, opposite Rhodes on the continent of Asia. It had been always in the possession of their ancestors but was now invaded and occupied by Philippus. At this time Pausistratus, the Rhodian general had routed Dinocrates and the Macedonians. Had he followed up on the victory and marched straight to Stratonicea, it was his for the asking. However, they returned to their camp and this gave Dinocrates with the rest of his army time to get into the city. The Rhodians were unable to take it. This story is described in more detail by Livy. (l. 33.)

3010. Attalus was carried sick from Thebes to his city Pergamus by sea and died there. (Livy l. 33. Polyb. p. 820. Plut. in Quin. Flamin.) He lived 72 years and was king for 44 years. (Livy l. 33. Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 102. and in Suidas, in the word Attalus:) Strabo says he reigned only for 43 years. (l. 13. p. 624.) He was survived by his wife Apollonius of the city of Cyzicum and 4 children, Eumenes, Attalus, Philetaetes and Athenaeus. (Livy l. 33.) Eumenes, who was the oldest, succeeded him in the kingdom. (Strabo, l. 13. p. 624. & Plut. in his book of brotherly love) Plutarch states that the two younger brothers though both brave and lusty spirits, yet lived in deep respect of Eumenes. They were like guards about him for the preservation of his crown and dignity. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 169. and Suidas, in the word Attalus.) Thereupon it was that their mother would often say that she was a happy woman not because of her wealth or that she was a queen but because she saw her 2 younger sons to be excellent guards of the oldest son. The two sons always had their swords with them, yet Eumenes lived in the midst of them without the least dread or fear of them. (Plut. in his book of brotherly love) The filial duty and respect which they all bore to Apollonis or Apollonias, his mother is described in more detail in Polybius (in Excerpt. Vales. p. 113, 114.) and in Suidas. (in the word Apollonias.)

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3011. Philippus' army of foot soldiers and cavalry were defeated in the battle fought at Cynoscephalas, in the country of Thessalia as mentioned in /APC 1Ma 8:5,6 Flaminius offered him a truce because he understood that Antiochus was marching from Syria with an army to come into Europe. Thereupon he made a truce with him for 4 months that in that time Flaminius might send to Rome and submit all to the will and pleasure of the senate. (Polyb. in Legat. 6. p. 792. Livy, l. 33. editio. Roman. & Paris.)

3012. When the Rhodians heard of the defeat of Philippus, they still defended the cities that were allied with Ptolemy and were in danger of being invaded by Antiochus. To some they sent help and to others a letter telling them they would defend them from the aggression of Antiochus. Letters were sent to the Caunians, Myndians, Halicarnassions, and Samians. (Livy l. 33.) However this was not sufficient. Antiochus, in spite of them, surprised Coracesium, Coricos, Andriace, Limyra, Patara, and Xanthus which belonged to Ptolemy. Lastly, he took the city of Ephesus. (Jerome on Daniel, c. 11.)

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3013. Antiochus spent his winter at Ephesus and tried to subdue all of Asia into the empire his forefathers once had. He knew that the rest of Lampsacus in Hellespont planned to fight. He advised them to surrender like the rest. He threatened them in case they would not, fearing lest the rest would follow their example in opposing his plans. When this did not work, he sent some companies from Ephesus to besiege Smyrna and others from Abydus to besiege Lampsacus. (Livy l. 33.) Thereupon both cities as well as others that joined with them, sent their commissioners to Flaminius to ask for help against Antiochus. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 87.)

3014. When Cl. Marcellus assumed his office of consul, ambassadors arrived at Rome to ask for a league to be made with Philippus. Thereupon the senate passed this decree:

``Everywhere the Greeks in both Europe and Asia should be free and live after their own laws. Those that were under Philippus' dominion or had any garrisons of his in them, should before the celebration of the next Isthimian games, turn them over into the hands of the Romans. Those that were in Asia, as Euronius, Pedasa, Burgylia, Iassus, Abydus, Thasus, Myrrina and Perinthus, Philippus should withdraw his garrisons and leave them free. He should not renew his war with the new king, Eumenes, (for Valerius Antias observes, that special notice was taken of him) who was the son of Attalus. Concerning the enfranchising of the Cyani, Ti. Quin. Flaminius should write letters to Prusias that the will and pleasure of the senate was, &c.''

3015. To ensure the execution of this decree, the senate sent 10 commissioners into Greece. (Polyb. Legat. 7. p. 793. & Legat. 9. p. 792. Livy, l. 33.)

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3016. After the Isthmian games were over, the general liberty of Greece was proclaimed by the public crier. Ti. Flaminius and the ten commissioners who came from Rome, listened to Hegesianactes and Lysias who were ambassadors from Antiochus to Flaminius. They were told to tell Antiochus that he must not meddle with any free city in Asia, much less make war upon them. He must get out of such places as he now controlled which were formerly belonged either to Ptolemy or Philippus. He was ordered not to personally enter Europe and not to send any of his forces there. They added that they would soon journey to Antiochus. (Polyb. Legat. 9. p. 798. 799. Livy l. 33.)

3017. When the assembly was dismissed, the 10 commissioners divided the work they had to do among them. Every man went to see his assigned region to be liberated according to the decree. P. Lentulus went by sea to Bargylia in Asia and freed that city to live according to their own laws. L. Stentinius did the same at Hephaestia, Thalus and the cities of Thracia and wherever he went. P. Villius and Lu. Terentius journeyed to Antiochus and Cn. Cornelius went to king Philippus. (Polyb. Legat. 9. p. 977. Livy l. 33. Plut. in Flamin.)

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3018. At the beginning of spring, Antiochus went by sea from Ephesus and came to Hellespont. He crossed with his land army from Abydus and joined them with his naval forces. He landed in Chersonese. He took over any cities that surrendered to him from fear. From there he went to Lysimachia, which was utterly destroyed a short time earlier by the Thracians. He began to rebuild it and to make it the capital of his son Seleucus' kingdom in those regions. (Livy l. 33. Appian. in Syria. p. 86, 87.)

3019. Everything was going as well as Antiochus could imagine. However, L. Cornelius, who was sent by the senate of Rome to make peace between Antiochus and Ptolemy, came to Selymbria. P. Lentulus from Bargylia, L. Terentius and P. Villius from Thasus were three of the commissioners who went to Lysimachia. P. Cornelius came from Selymbria and met them there at Lysimachia. A few days later Antiochus came there from Thracia and met them. Hegesianax and Lysias, who had previously been sent as ambassadors from Antiochus to Flaminius, happened to be there at the same time. In the conference, P. Cornelius said that he thought it reasonable that Antiochus should restore to Ptolemy all the cities and places of Ptolemy's kingdom that he had recently taken from him. Further, he should withdraw his garrisons from all the places which belonged to Philippus because the Romans had now defeated him. They warned him not to meddle with any free state. Antiochus replied that he wondered first, by what right the Romans quarrelled with him about the cities in Asia any more then he questioned them what they did in Italy. He was content that the cities in Asia should enjoy their liberty but should thank him and not the Romans for it. Concerning Ptolemy, they were good friends already and that he was about to make an alliance with him. (Polyb. p. 800. 769, 770. Livy l. 3. Appian. in Syriac. p. 87, 88.)

3020. P. Cornelius continued and told him that it was reasonable that the ambassadors of Lampsacus and Smyrna should be called and allowed to speak for themselves. They were summoned. Parmenion and Pythodorus represented the city of Lampsacus and Coeramus spoke for Smyrna. They spoke boldly and freely for their own cause. Antiochus stormed to see that he was being called to account for what he had done in Asia to the Romans as if they were his judges. He ordered Parmenion to hold his peace and said that he moved that the controversy be decided before the Rhodian judges and not the Romans. So that conference broke up and nothing was done. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 770.)

3021. Polycrates, who was governor of Cyprus, was in charge of collecting the the king's revenue. He handed the government over to his successor, Ptolemy of Megalopolis and returned to Alexandria. He turned over to the king Epiphanes, a great sum of money. Epiphanes was glad to receive this and Polycrates was thought highly of by all. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 773.)

3022. Shortly after this, the Etolians revolted under their captain Scopas who had a large company of soldiers under him. Since the king was but a child, he could do what he liked. While he dawdled his time away, his plans were cut short. When Aristomenes knew that his friends went to him in his own house and used to sit in council together, he sent a company of the guards and summoned him before the king's council. Scopas was surprised and grew so wild and void of reason that he did not carry out his plans neither did he obey the summons of the king as he should have done. Aristomenes knew what state he was in and sent a company of soldiers and surrounded the house. Ptolemy the son of Eumenes brought him before the king. (Polyb. l. 17. 771.)

3023. He was brought before the council. First the king charged him and then Polycrates and Aristomenes did. He was quickly found guilty and condemned by the king's council and by all the ambassadors of foreign nations who were there. For Aristomenes intended to accuse him and had purposely brought there various illustrious personages of the Greeks and the Etolian ambassadors. They were at that time sent there to work out a peace between the king and them. Dorymachus, the son of Nicostratus was one of the ambassadors. After these all spoke, Scopas with his cohorts were all cast in prison. The next night Aristomenes had him and all his family poisoned. He had Dicaearchus who was a most impious wretch, racked to death. Dicaearchus was the admiral of Philippus' navy and harassed the Cycladian Isles. He erected two altars in a certain port there, the one to Impiety and the other to Iniquity. He sacrificed to them both as to two gods. The rest of the Etolians who wanted to return, the king gave them permission to do so and take what belonged to them with them. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 772.)

3024. When this business of the Etolians was settled and all was quiet, then the whole court started their solemn revels which they used to have when anyone is made king. This event is called Anaclateria. The king was not then old enough to run the government. However, the court thought, that if it known abroad that the king was come now to rule in his own person, things would go better and be more peaceful in the kingdom. Therefore they made all provisions they could do to perform this solemnity for the honour of the kingdom. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 773.)

3025. While the conference at Lysimachia was going on between Antiochus and the commissioners from Rome, it was reported by an unconfirmed source what had happened to Scopas at Alexandria and that Ptolemy was dead. Hence that conference came to naught for neither party would act until they knew exactly what happened. L. Cornelius, whose proper errand was to make peace with both the kings, desired some time to talk directly with Ptolemy. He wanted to get there as soon as possible before anything could be resolved there after the king's supposed death to help establish the state. Antiochus made no doubt of his intentions. If the king were indeed dead, Egypt would be his. Therefore, he sent away the commissioners and left his son, Seleucus with his army to continue rebuilding Lysimachia. He with his whole fleet sailed to Ephesus and from there sent ambassadors to Flaminius to desire him to continue the league and friendship between them. He sailed again and stayed close to coast of Asia until he came to Lycia. At Patara he was told for certain that Ptolemy was living and thereupon he abandoned his journey for Egypt. (Livy l. 33. Appian. in Syria. p. 88.)

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3026. Antiochus hurried toward Cyprus which he certainly hoped to get. When he had rounded the cape of the Chelidonian foreland, his sailors mutinied and he was forced to stay for a while in Pamphylia at the mouth of the Eurymedon River. From there he sailed to a place called the head of the Saris River. A severe storm almost drowned him and all his fleet. Many of his ships were driven on shore and many sank in the sea with all hands. A number of sailors, common soldiers and his nobles and leaders died in that storm. He salvaged what he could from the wreck. Since he was in no position to go on to Cyprus, he sailed to Seleucia in Syria and there started to rebuild his navy. He married his two children, Antiochus and Laodice to each other. He set to sea again for Antioch because winter was approaching. (Livy l. 33. Appian. in Syria. p. 88.)

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3027. The Decemviri or 10 commissioners returned to Rome and told the senate about Antiochus and his return into Syria. (Livy l. 33.) Hannibal's enemies at Carthage, informed the senate of Rome that he and Antiochus daily sent letters to each other. Although this was false, those who fear these men believed the false report. Thereupon they sent ambassadors to the council at Carthage and complained to them that Hannibal was working with Antiochus and told them to get rid of Hannibal by any means. (Livy l. 33. Justin, l. 31. c. 1, 2.)

3028. Flaminius' reply to Antiochus' ambassadors when they asked for a league was that he could do nothing now that the 10 commissioners were gone. The ambassadors would do well to go after them and make their address to the senate at Rome. (Livy l. 34.)

3029. Thereupon Hannibal stole away from Carthage and came safely to Tyre. He was there received by the founders of Carthage as in a second country of his own. After he rested there for a few days, he sailed to Antioch. When he found that Antiochus had left, he there spoke with his son who was celebrating a solemn festival in Daphne. When he had been courteously entertained by him, he sailed again and followed Antiochus overtaking him at Ephesus. Antiochus was trying to decide if he should make war on the Romans or not. He was completely taken by surprise when Hannibal came to him. From now on he thought not as much of the war itself as of what great things he should get by conquering the Romans. (Livy in the end of his 33rd book, Justin, l. 31. c. 1, 2. and Emil. Prob. in Hannib.)

3030. Phormio, a philosopher of the Peripatetic text, had disputed a long time in his school concerning the duty and office of a commander of an army and of the military art and the ordering of a battle. Hannibal could contain himself no longer and cried out that he had heard many a doting fool in his days but a bigger fool than this Phormio was, he had never heard. (Cicer. de Oratore, lib. 2.)

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3031. T. Quinctius Flaminius joined with Eumenes and the Rhodians and fought very successfully against Nabis the tyrant of Lacedemon. (Liv. l. 34.)

3032. When M. Porcius (Cato) was consul, the city of Smyrna began and built a temple to the city of Rome. (Tacit. Annal. l. 4.) By their example, the Alabandenses, not only built another temple to her but instituted some anniversary plays and games in honour of her as a proper goddess. (Livy. l. 34.)

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3033. Eratosthenes of Cyrene, the son of Aglaus, died. He was not only a grammarian, though that were his chief profession, but also a poet, a philosopher and a geometrician, for he excelled in all these areas. (Lucia. in Macrobiss) Apollonius Alexandrinus succeeded him in managing the library at Alexandria. He was a scholar of Callimachus who wrote the Argonautica. Since he lived many years at Rhodes, he was surnamed Rhodius. (Swidas in Apollonius.)

3034. Antiochus knew of the loyalty of the Jews for him. He conferred great favours on them again and by his letters he highly commended them. (Eusib. Chron.) His letters are preserved in Josephus. (l. 14. Antiq. c. 3.) In an address to Ptolemy's government, he mentioned many gifts of his and immunities granted both to the city and also the temple at Jerusalem. In another letter to Zeuxis, he ordered 2000 families of the Jews, who lived in the provinces of Babylonia and Mesopotamia, to be settled in of Phrygia and Lydia. He hoped their presence would keep order there.

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3035. Antiochus prepared to make a war in Greece and to begin his war against the Romans there. He told Hannibal what he purposed who told him that the Romans could only be conquered in Italy. Hannibal asked for 100 of his warships with 16,000 cavalry. With that fleet he first would sail into Africa so that he knew he could instigate a fresh rebellion among the Carthaginians. If that failed, he would land in some part of Italy and there begin the war anew against them. When he had persuaded the king to let him do this, he did not personally go to Africa (as Emil. Probus, in the life of Hannibal thinks) but sent Aristo, a Tyrian born at Ephesus under the guise of a merchant to trade at Carthage. He was to prepare their minds for a revolt against the Romans. Hannibal's enemies laid hold of Aristo at Carthage. They spent many days in consultation trying to determine what to do with him and if they should send him to Rome to justify their innocence in this matter. However, Aristo escaped and sailed back to Hannibal again. Thereupon they sent ambassadors to the consuls and senate at Rome to tell them what had happened. (Livy l. 34. Justin, l. 31. c. 3, 4. Appian. in Syriac. p. 89, 90.)

3036. Meanwhile Antiochus sent Lysias, Hegesianactes and Menippus as his ambassadors to Rome to determine the feelings of the senate. They went under the pretence of trying to arrange a league and friendship between him and them. They told the senate that the king wondered why they should bid him to get out of the cities of Eloia and Ionia, to forego his tributes due to him from other places and not to meddle with matters in Asia and countries of his ancient inheritance in Thracia. These were not commands to be given to friends of theirs as he was, but to conquered enemies. They were told that they should go and ask Flaminius and the 10 commissioners who were formerly sent into Greece. When they came, the commissioners pressed that Antiochus should either stay out of Europe or allow the Romans to take care of what they had already in Asia and acquire more there if they could. The ambassadors told them plainly that they could neither negotiate a deal by which the king's rights and dominions might in any way be impaired. So that matter was left unsettled and the ambassadors were sent away. (Livy l. 34. Appian. in Syriac. p. 89.)

3037. Scarcely had the ambassadors left, when news came from Carthage that Antiochus was busy preparing for war against the Romans and that Hannibal was his general. They were afraid lest a fresh war would start from Carthage. (Livy l. 34.)

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3038. Antiochus gave his daughter in marriage to Ptolemy at Raphia, in Phoenicia or rather in Palestina and returned to Antioch. (Livy l. 35.) He was now fully resolved to make war against the Romans and thought it best to league himself by marriages and alliances with as many kings and princes in the area as he could. Therefore he sent his daughter, Cleopatra, surnamed Syra, to Egypt to marry Ptolemy. He gave him a dowrie with her of all Coelosyria which he had formerly taken from him. He did this to pacify Ptolemy and to keep him from joining with the Romans in this war. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 88.) Jerome on Da 11 says, that Antiochus, planned to get Egypt for his dominion and espoused his daughter Cleopatra, in the 7th year of the young Ptolemy's reign according to Eucles of Rhodes. However Jerome follows Eusebius' Chronicle which said it was the 13th year. According to our calculations it was in the 12th year that he sent her to him. Ptolemy received a dowry of all Coelosyria and Judaea. Antiochus did not get Egypt. Ptolemy and his council perceived his plans and were more cautious in their affairs. Cleopatra took her husband's side rather than her father's. Josephus, (Antiq. l. 12. c. 3.) writes that Antiochus gave his daughter Cleopatra to wife to Ptolemy along with her dowry of Coelosyria, all Phoenicia, Judaea and Samaria. The tribute was equally divided between them from these places. The head men in each of these countries gathered the tribute for them and paid it to them.

3039. He offered Antiochis, another daughter, in marriage to Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia. He sent his 3rd daughter to Eumenes, the king of Pergamus. When Eumenes saw that he planned to make war against the Romans and that this was the reason for the marriage, he refused the offer. When his two brothers, Attalus and Philetaetus wondered why he should refuse such an offer made to him by so great a neighbouring king as Antiochus, Eumenes told them how great a war was now at hand. He said that if the Romans win as he truly thought they would, he would be able to hold his own by them. If Antiochus won then his fortune would be either to be turned out of his kingdom by a powerful neighbouring prince or be forced to live under him. Concerning this, see Eumenes, his own Oration. (in Polyb. Legat. 25. & Livy l. 37.)

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3040. Antiochus crossed the Taurus Mountains and marched through Cilicia. At the very end of winter, he came to Ephesus. (Livy l. 35.)

3041. From there at the beginning of spring, he sent back his son Antiochus into Syria. He was to take care of matters there and in the remote parts of his eastern dominions while he was busy in the west. Antiochus with all his army went to invade the Pisidians who lived around Selga. (Livy. l. 35.)

3042. At that time, ambassadors from Rome arrived at Elaea to see Antiochus. They came under the pretence of an embassy, but were there to see first hand what preparations he had made. They spoke often with Hannibal to try to cool Hannibal's anger toward them. If that failed they hoped to make Antiochus jealous of Hannibal because he spoke frequently with the Romans. The names of the ambassadors were, P. Sulpitius and P., Villius, who among others had met with Antiochus at Lysimachia. (Livy l. 34, 35. Justin, l. 31. c. 4. Fronti. Stratag. l. 1. c. 8. Appia. in Syriac. p. 90, 91.)

3043. The ambassadors went up from Elaea to Pergamus where Eumenes' palace was. Their instructions were first to confer with Eumenes before they went to Antiochus. Eumenes did the best he could to have them make war on Antiochus. Sulpitius remained sick at Pergamus but when P. Villius heard that Antiochus warred against Pisidia, he went to Ephesus. During those few days he stayed there, he made it a point to speak to Hannibal as often as he could. He wanted to know his intentions and to mitigate his anger toward the Romans by assuring him that they intended him no further harm. (Livy l. 35.)

3044. Claudius Quadrigarius who followed the account of the Greek History of Acilius, states that P. Scipio Africanus was in this embassy and that he was the one that spoke with Hannibal at Ephesus. He mentions one talk of theirs in particular. Africanus asked Hannibal whom he thought to have been the greatest general in the world? Hannibal replied that Alexander the Great was. When asked whom he thought was second?, he answered Pyrrhus. When asked who was then third?, he replied, myself. At that, Scipio burst out laughing and said what would you have done if you had defeated me? Hannibal replied that he would have counted himself before both Pyrrhus and Alexander and all others that ever were. His perplexing and intricate answer was but a trick of Punic wit. Scipio was taken in by it as with a pretty kind of flattery. He was not counted better than all the generals yet he had vanquished a better man than Alexander. (Livy l. 35. with Plutarch in T. C. Flaminino, and Appian. in Syriac. p. 91, 92.)

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3045. Villius went from Ephesus to Apamea and there Antiochus heard of the coming of the Roman ambassadors to meet them. They discussed almost the same points which were discussed between Flaminius and the other commissioners on one side and his ambassadors on the other at Rome. When news came of the death of his son Antiochus, who was recently sent into Syria, the conference was suspended. Villius did not want to be there at this sad time and went to Pergamus, when the king and court were all in mourning. The king stopped all preparations for the war and went to Ephesus. (Livy l. 35.)

3046. The Roman ambassadors were told to come to Ephesus. They met in conference with Minio, a principal counsellor and favourite of the king. In his discourse Minio blamed the Romans that under a pretence of setting Greece at liberty, they intended to make war against Antiochus. The Romans held so many famous countries in their subjection and made them pay tribute to Rome. These formerly lived free and according to their own laws. Sulpitius replied for the Romans for he was now recovered from sickness. He called the ambassadors of the other states present there as witnesses for the Romans as they had been instructed to do by Eumenes. Then the conference degenerated into a brawl. (Livy l. 35.)

3047. When Antiochus had heard the embassy of the Rhodians, he told them that if he and the Romans came to an agreement and a league, all they, as well as those of Byzatium, Cyzicum and other Greeks living in Asia would be free. The Eolians and Ionians would still be under the control of the kings of Asia. Therefore the Roman ambassadors returned to Rome when they could get nowhere with the king. For indeed that was the least part of the errand since they came primarily to spy on him. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 92.)

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3048. After this, the Etolian ambassadors came to the king. They offered to make him commander of all the forces which they raised and persuaded him by all means to go over to Greece. They said it was ready to receive him. He should not stay until his armies came down to him from the remote and inner parts of Asia. This made Antiochus all the more eager to go into Greece as soon as possible. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 92, 93. with Polyb. l. 3. p. 159. & Justin, l. 30. c. 4 & l. 32. c. 1.)

3049. Before he sailed, he went up to Ilium and sacrificed to Minerva. He returned to his fleet and sailed with 40 fighting ships, 60 barges and 200 cargo ships. These were loaded with all kinds of provisions and sailed in the rear of the fleet. His whole army consisted of 10,000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry with 6 elephants. This was barely enough to take over Greece if no one was there to fight with him. How inadequate were these forces to stand up against the Roman military might. (Livy l. 35.)

3050. Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to Rome to let them know that Antiochus had crossed over the Hellespont with his army. The Etolians were ready to rise up in arms as soon as he landed. The senate thanked Attalus and his absent brother, Eumenes. Attalus was housed at the public expense and given presents. (Livy. l. 35.)

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3051. About the middle of winter, Antiochus consulted with Demetrias how to carry on the war. Hannibal gave sound advice if it had been followed. It was not except that Polyxenidas was sent to bring the rest of the fleet and army from Asia. (Livy l. 36. Justin, l. 31. c. 5, 6. Appian. p. 93, 94.)

3052. Antiochus fell in love with a young maiden of Chaleis, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, his host. Even though Antiochus was almost 50, he set aside the matters of the war and thought only of marrying her. He called her by the name of Eubaea and spent all the next winter in banqueting and revels. Likewise his army spent all that season in luxury and pleasure. (Polyb. l. 20. in Athenaus, l. 10. c. 12. Diodor. Sic. & Dio. in Excerpt, Vales. p. 296. and 609. Liv. l. 36. Appian. p. 96, 98.)

3053. M. Acilius Glabrio, the consul, left Rome in a rich coat of armour to go against Antiochus. This was on the 5th day before the Nones that is May 3rd. We deduce this year by an eclipse that happened the following January. (Livy l. 36.)

3054. About the same time, ambassadors came to Rome from two kings, Philippus of Macedonia and Ptolemy of Egypt. Both offered their help against Antiochus with money and grain. Ptolemy brought in ready money, 1000 pounds in gold and 20,000 pounds in silver. Nothing was taken and the senate thanked them for their good will. When both of them offered to come in person with their armies into Etolia, the senate answered that they would not trouble Ptolemy. The senate and people of Rome would be happy if Philippus would assist M. Acilius, their consul, in whatever he needed. (Livy l. 36.)

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3055. Antiochus was defeated at Thermopylae in a battle against M. Acilius the consul and Cato a general in that army. (This battle is described by Livy, l. 36. by Plut. in Cato, Major, by Appia. in Syriac. & Fron. l. 2. Stratag.) He was forced to flee back to Asia and came to Ephesus with his new wife. (Livy, Justin, Appian, and Polyb. in Athenaus l. 10. c. 12.) In Tully's book "De Senect. Cato", Cato speaking of himself, said that he fought at Thermopylae under M. Acilius Glabrio in the 4th year after he had been consul. Plutarch in his life and Livy (l. 36.) affirm this that he was sent by the consul Acilius to Rome with the news of that victory. Antisthenes the historian reports to have followed this account and been written by Buplagus the Syrian. That Publius a Roman captain after this battle at Thermopylae, is gathered from Phlegon of Tralles, in his book De Mirabilibus. (c. 3.)

3056. When Antiochus was at Ephesus, he became careless and not afraid of the Romans. He thought that they would never cross over into Asia. When Hannibal had roused him from those idle thoughts, he sent for his forces from the inland countries to come down quickly to the seaside. He prepared his navy and made Polyxenidas, an exile of Rhodes his admiral. He crossed over again into Chersonesus and fortified it. He put garrisons into Sestus and Abydus where he thought the Romans would try to cross over into Asia. (Livy. l. 36. & Appia. p. 99.)

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3057. C. Livius Salinator was sent to succeed Attalus in the navy. On his way to Asia, Eumenes routed Polyxenidas, Antiochus' admiral. He sank 10 of his ships and captured 30 more losing only one ship and that one was from Carthage! They pursued Polyxenidas as far as Ephesus. Then they sent back the Rhodian fleet of 25 ships which arrived after the battle. Eumenes with his ships, came to Canas, a town of Lycia. Because the winter was coming, they drew their ships to land and fortified the place where they stayed with works for their defence. (Livy l. 63. Appian. p. 99, 100.)

3058. When this naval battle was fought at Coricus, Antiochus was gone to Magnesia near the mountain of Sipylus to gather his land forces together. When he heard of his naval defeat, he began to prepare a new navy so that he might not appear to be vanquished from the sea. He sent Hannibal into Syria to get ships from the Phoenicians. He ordered Polyxenidas to repair his ships that were damaged in the battle and to build new ones to make up his fleet again. Meanwhile, he made his winter quarters in Phrygia. He sent for help from all parts, even from Gallograecia. (Livy l. 36, 37 Appian. p. 100.) Using fear and his money, he convinced them also to join in arms with him. He thought their height and courage would terrify the Romans. (Appian. p. 89.)

3059. Ambassadors arrived at Rome from Ptolemy and Cleopatra to congratulate them for driving Antiochus out of Europe. He persuaded them to cross into Asia even as far as Syria. He showed that they were ready to do, whatever the Romans would request. The senate sent thanks to the king and queen for their good will and gave each of the ambassadors, 4000 pieces of brass money. (Livy. l. 37.)

3060. Antiochus left his son Seleucus with the army in Eolia, to hold the sea coast there in order. The Romans on the one side and Eumenes on the other were meddling with them everywhere. Seleucus spent all that winter partly in helping his friends and partly in plundering those whom he could not draw over to his side. (Livy l. 37.)

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3061. About the middle of winter, Eumenes with a company of 2000 foot soldiers and 100 cavalry came to Canas where the Roman fleet wintered. There he told them that if they wanted to, they could get much spoil from the country around Thyatira. He did not leave until he had persuaded Livius the admiral, to let him have 5000 men. He went with these and in a short time brought them back again loaded with an enormous amount of booty. (Livy l. 37.)

3062. In the interim, a rebellion happened in Phocaea. There were some who tried to draw the common people to Antiochus. The wintering of the Roman navy there had taxed them very heavily. They were required to furnish them with 500 sea clothes and coats. Grain became scarce so that the ships and garrison were forced to move from there and quarter elsewhere. The faction who sided with Antiochus were no longer afraid after this. However, the elders and chief men of the city stood firmly for the Romans. The leaders of the faction for Antiochus prevailed with the common people. (Livy l. 37.)

3063. Therefore, the magistrates of Phocaea, feared the opinion of the common people. They wisely sent their agents to Seleucus to ask him not to come near their city because they were resolved to do nothing until they saw the outcome of the war. When Seleucus was told that the common people were wholly for his father and that they were short of grain, he did not reply. He immediately marched toward them with his army. (Polyb. Legat. 18.)

3064. At Rome, both the new consuls, Lu. Scipio and Ca. Laelius Nepos, were ambitious to go into Greece. P. Scipio, on the behalf of his brother Lusius said that if they wished to send his brother there, he would go with him as his lieutenant. His words carried the day. They said who was more befitting to fight against Hannibal, as Scipio Africanus who had already vanquished him? (Cic. Philip. 11. Livy l. 37. Valer. Max. l. 5. c. 5. Justin l. 31. c. 7.)

3065. In those days, when Lu. Scipio was on his way against Antiochus and while the anniversary games in honour of Apollo were being celebrated, on the 5th of the Ides or the 9th of June, an eclipse occurred. On a very clear day it grew suddenly dark by an eclipse of the sun. (Livy l. 37.) This eclipse of the sun at Rome is confirmed by the astronomical account. To which if 95. Idus Quintiles, that is the 9th of our July corresponds then it follows that the 1st of January of the next year started on the 29th day of our August. So great was the confusion of the Roman calendar in those days.

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3066. About the beginning of spring, Pausistratus with 36 Rhodian ships, Livius with 30 Roman ships and Eumenes with 7 of his, sailed to the Hellespont. Livius first sailed into the port which was called, Portus Achaorum. From there they went up to Ilium and sacrificed to Minerva. They made a good impression and speech to the ambassadors of some the neighbouring cities, Eleus, Dardanus and Rhetteus. These all came and voluntarily surrendered themselves to him. He left 10 ships to blockade Abydus and went with the rest to the other side to besiege Sestos. After they surrendered, he prepared to return to the Asian side to besiege Abydus. (Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 101.)

3067. While these things happened in the Hellespont, Polyxenidas, the admiral of king Antiochus, told Pausistatus, the admiral of Rhodes, that he would betray the entire of Antiochus' fleet or most of it into his hands. He believed him and went to Samos. He did not keep a proper watch as he should have done. He was killed and lost the 29 ships which he had under his command. There escaped of all his fleet, 5 ships of Rhodes and 2 of the Isle of Cos. (Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 101.)

3068. At the same time Seleucus recovered Phocaea after a gate of the city opened to him. He and his army got in that way. While these things were happening in Eolia, Abydus had endured the siege for a number of days and by the valour of the king's garrison continued to hold out. Finally all grew weary of the business and the chief magistrates of the city with the good consent of the captain of the garrison sent to Livius to ask for conditions of surrender. At that very time, Livius heard of the destruction of the Rhodian navy. Livius would no longer stay to take in Abydus and to keep Hellespont. He with all his fleet set sail for Phocaea. When he found it held by a strong garrison of the king and that Seleucus was not far off with his army, he started wasting the sea coast. He took what spoil he could find in the area. He stayed only until Eumenes could overtake him with his fleet. Then he planned to go to Samos. He finally arrived badly weather beaten. He joined his fleet with the Rhodians which consisted now of 20 ships under the command of Eudamus. (Livy l. 37.)

3069. After Livius had added the Rhodian ships to his fleet, he sailed immediately to Ephesus. He arranged his ships in order of battle before the very mouth of the port. When none came out against him, he divided his fleet into two parts. One part anchored in the very haven of the enemy and the other landed their men. They had ranged there far and near and gotten exceedingly much spoil. As they were returning with it to their ship, Andronicus a Macedonian, (Appian. calls him Nicander) captain of the garrison in Ephesus, sallied out against them and forced them to their ships. They abandoned most of their booty and returned immediately to Samos. L. Emilius Regillus the Praetor met them there. He was to succeed Livius in the charge of the navy. As Regillus was coming there from the Isle of Chios, Livius sent to meet him, 2 good ships of Rhodes of 4 tiers of oars a piece along with Eumenes himself in person with 2 more ships of 5 tiers of oars a piece. (Livy l. 37. & Appian. p. 102.)

3070. After sitting at Samos in council about naval matters, Emilius sailed with all his fleet to the very mouth of the port of Ephesus to terrify the enemy. Livius went to Patara in Lycia. Emilius was driven from Ephesus by a storm and so returned to Samos. The cities which Livius passed by Miletus, Myndus, Halicarnassus, Cnidus and Cos readily accepted him. Lycia did not welcomed him for he encountered both a storm at sea and the enemy at land. Therefore he returned to Greece again. After this, he spoke with the two Scipios who were at that time in Thessaly that he might then return to Italy. (Livy l. 37.)

3071. At Samos, Emilius the Praetor and Eumenes received letters from the Scipios. There was a truce with the Etolians and they were to march towards Hellespont. Also the Etolians said the same to Antiochus and his son Seleucus. (Polyb. Legat. 19.)

3072. Eumenes sent his agents into Achaia to make an association with them which the commons in a general assembly had ratified and sent to him a company of tall young men to assist him. (Polyb. Legat. 20.)

3073. L. Emilius with all his fleet passed by Miletus and the other cities of that coast and landed in the Bay of Bargillia. They went to Iassus, the city was held by a garrison of Antiochus' men. They sent to the magistrates and other chief men of the city to persuade them to surrender. They were told that they would do nothing. Therefore he drew up to the walls in order to besiege it. However, the exiles of Iassus who were among the Rhodians, prevailed with them and through Eumenes' mediation, they drew off and left the siege. (Livy l. 37.)

3074. Those of Heraclea in Pontus sent ambassadors to Emelius. He sent them a very kind and favourable answer in writing purporting that the senate of Rome would be their good friends. Further, neither their counsel nor concerns would be ignored whenever they should have an occasion to use them. (Memnon Excerpt. c. 28.)

3075. While Eumenes was away helping the Romans and Rhodians attack the sea towns of Lycia, Seleucus and his army invaded his country. They first came in an hostile manner to Elaea. When they were unable to take the city, they wasted all the country around it. From there he marched with all his forces to Pergamus itself, the capital city of this kingdom. Attalus, Eumenes' brother drew out and pitched his camp before the city walls. He had many skirmishes with the enemy. He was too weak to fight them so he stayed within the walls and the city was besieged. (Memnon Excerpt. c. 28.)

3076. About the same time, Antiochus went from Apamea and camped first at Sardis, not far from his son Seleucus near the head of the Caicus River. He had with him a huge army made up of various nations. In it, the strongest most frightening squadron was the Gallograecians who had 4000 soldiers. With these and a few others, he went to ravage and waste all the country about Pergamus from one end to the other. (Memnon Excerpt. c. 28.)

3077. At Samos, Eumenes heard this and he was called away to take care of his own affairs at home. He sailed ship and with all his men and came to Elaea. From there he went to Pergamus before the enemy heard of his arrival. He sailed out from there often and made some small skirmishes with the enemy. A few days later both the Roman and the Rhodian fleet came from Samos to Elaea to help him. (Memnon Excerpt. c. 28.)

3078. Antiochus heard that there were so many fleets come together into the same port. A consul with his army was all ready in Macedonia and making provisions at Hellespont for his crossing into Asia. Antiochus thought it a good time to try for a peace with the Romans, Eumenes and the Rhodians all at once. Therefore he moved his camp and came to Elaea. After taking a little hill opposite the city, he left all his foot soldiers and with his cavalry (who were about 6000 men) and went down into a plain close to the walls of the city. He sent some commissioners into the city to ask for peace. Thereupon L. Emilius sent for Eumenes from Pergamus to come there to him. He advised what was the best course of action. Eudamus and Pamphilidas, the commanders of the Rhodian fleet, were also there giving advice. They said the Rhodians were not against a peace. Eumenes said that it was not for their honour to make a peace treaty. However they could not settle the matter at that time. Therefore Emelius sent Antiochus word that before the coming of the consul no peace could be made. When he had this reply, Antiochus started wasting the country all about Elaea. He leaf Seleucus to continue the siege before Pergamus and marched away in a rage with the rest of his army. He did not stop until he came into that rich country which was called Thebe's Campus, that is, the plain of Thebes. He made all manner of havock there and greatly enriched all his army for that present time. (Polyb. Legat. 21. Livy l. 37.)

3079. At the same time, the Acheans sent Diophanes of Megalopolis with 1000 foot soldiers and 100 cavalry came to Elaea for Eumenes. (Livy l. 37. with Polyb. Legat. 20.) These were old veterans and their captain was trained under Philopoen, the most famous commander of all the Greeks in his time. (Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 201. with Polyb. Legat. 20. p. 810. & in Excerpt. Vales. p. 110.)

3080. As soon as they were landed, Attalus sent some to show them the way and brought them to Pergamus. As soon as these Achaeans arrived, they made continual sallies against Seleucus to make him withdraw and leave that country. (Livy l. 37. and Appian. p. 102, 103.) However, Seleucus stayed in the area and annoyed his foes and helped his friends in those parts. (Livy l. 37.)

3081. While Antiochus marched in an hostile manner to Adramyteum, Emilius and Eumenes came by sea to rescue it. Thereupon Antiochus did not attack the town, but started plundering the country around it. He captured Peraea, a colony of the Mitylenians. Likewise he took Cottos, Corylenus, Aphrodysians and Crene on the first assault. He then returned by Thyatira to Sardis. (Livy l. 37.)

3082. The Roman fleet with the Rhodians and Eumenes went first to Mitylene and from there returned to Elaea. They sailed to Phocaea and anchored at Baccius, an island very close to the city of Phocaea. They plundered their temples and monuments which they had spared before. When they came to the city, they found a company of 3000 of Antiochus' foot soldiers who had gotten in their before they came. Hence they did not besiege the place and returned again to the island where they were before. After they first ravaged the country around there, the Roman fleet returned to Elaea and Eumenes and the Rhodians to Samos. (Livy l. 37.)

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3083. About midsummer, the Rhodian fleet fought with Antiochus' navy. The Rhodian fleet had 32 ships of 4 tiers of oars and 4 others of 3 tiers of oars. Hannibal brought this fleet of 37 ships from Syria. Some were of an extraordinary size. The battle happened at Sida, a cape of Pamphylia. The Rhodians routed Hannibal but could not pursue him because their sailors were weak and sickly. However, to prevent him from joining with the old fleet, they sent Chariclitus with 20 ships to Patara and the port Megistus. A little after this, they sent Pamphyulidas with 4 more ships. (Livy. l. 37.) So Hannibal was blockaded in Pamphylia. (Appian. p. 104. see Emil. Prob. in Hannibal)

3084. When Antiochus came to Sardis, he sent ambassadors with letters to Prusias king of Bithynia who was surnamed Cynegus, that is the Hunter. He wanted Prusias to join with him against the Romans. This worried Prusias for the present. However, other letters came to him from the two brothers, Lu. and Pub. Scipio. These told him not to fear the Romans. This was especially true, when shortly after this, an embassy was sent to him from Rome. The leader of it was C. Livius, who recently commanded their fleet. When he spoke with them, he resolved to side with the Romans and to break off entirely with Antiochus. (Polyb. Legat, 22. p. 811, 812. Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 101.)

3085. When Antiochus saw no further hope of getting Prusias on his side, he moved from Sardis to Ephesus. There he viewed his fleet, which had been in preparation for a long time. He saw no other way to prevent the Romans from moving their land army into Asia. He had to make himself absolute master of the sea. He resolved to do what he could and to risk a naval battle. (Polyb. and Livy l. 37.)

3086. Therefore he immediately went to see whether he could take Notium, which was a town of the Cloephonians not far from Ephesus where he was. He hoped then when the Romans came to relieve their confederate town by land, admiral Polyxenidas would have an opportunity for a major naval victory. Polyxenidus had at that time under his command 89 or 90 good ships. Emilius and the Rhodians fought with him at Myonesus. Livy says that Emilius had 58 ships and the Rhodians, 22. Appianus says the Rhodians had 25. Polyxenidas was defeated and having a good wind on his back fled quickly back to Ephesus. He lost 42 ships (not 29 only, as Appian has it) of which 13 came quickly into the enemy hands with all the men in them. The Romans had only two leaking ships and a few others damaged. Polyxenidas captured a Rhodian ship and took it with him to Ephesus. This fight was made in December, (as the year went then at Rome). This appears by Macrobius, (l. 1. Saturnalium,) has written:

``that 11 Calend. January, &c. upon the 21st of December, was a feast dedicated to their Lares (i.e. their household gods). At this time, L. Emilius Regillus, praetor, in the war against Antiochus, vowed to build a temple in Campo Martio.''

3087. Livy (Livy l. 40.) tells us his vow was performed 11 years later. There is also a copy, (but most falsely written) of a table, containing the manner of this victory, hung up by him on the doors not only of his new temple but also in that of Jupiter's in the capitol.

3088. Antiochus was disturbed by the news of this defeat. He was poorly advised to withdraw his garrison from Lysimachia lest they should fall into Roman hands. He raised his siege from Colophos and retired to Sardis. He sent letters to Ariarathes, his son-in-law in Cappadocia, to bring him troops from there and everywhere else that he could find men. (Livy l. 40.) Meanwhile he lay idly at Sardis wasting his time which might have been better spent in ordering his affairs elsewhere. (Polyb. Legat. 23.)

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3089. After this naval victory, Emilius sailed straight to Ephesus and arranged his ships in battle formation before the very mouth of the port. This publicly showed that Antiochus had lost the mastery of the sea. Emilius sailed to Chios and repaired his ships damaged in the battle. He sailed to Phocaea which had recently revolted from the Romans. He tried first to take it directly, but it later surrendered to him. He could not prevent his soldiers from plundering it. He returned to them their city, lands and their laws. With the approach of winter, he stayed there because the place had two ports. (Livy l. 37.)

3090. About the same time Lysimachia, which was well supplied with all kinds of provisions, welcomed the Roman generals and the two Scipios when they came. The Romans continued through the Chersonde to the Hellespont. They found everything already prepared by Eumenes for their crossing. They crossed over as if into a friend's country. No man hindered their journey. (Livy l. 37.)

3091. Antiochus was at his wits end and did not know what to do. He sent Heraclides of Byzantium to sue for peace with the Romans. He had instructions both in general to the council of war there and in particular to P. Scipio Africanus. The council replied to him that he must pay the cost of this war and surrender all Asia on this side the Taurus Mountains to the Romans. Antiochus could not imagine anything worse than if he were utterly defeated. He abandoned any attempts for peace and prepared for war. (Polyb. Legat. 23. Diod. Sic. Legat. 6, 7. published by Fulvi. Ursinus, Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 105.)

3092. L. Scipio the consul, journeyed to the Hellespont or Dardanus and Rhetaeus. All the people of both places came joyfully from their cities to greet them. He went from there to Ilium and pitched his camp in the plain which lay beside the walls there. He went up into the city and the citadel. He sacrificed to Minerva as the president and protectrix of that place. There was much joy and mutual congratulations between the men of Ilium and the Romans. They recounted how Aeneas and his captains that went from Troy to eventually found Rome, were their country men. The Romans were just as proud that they were descended from them. They were like parents and children who had been separated by a long absence and now were joyfully reunited. (Livy l. 37. & Justin, l. 31. c. 8.) Demetrius Scepsius says of himself, that when he was a boy and came to Ilium, that he saw their houses lying in such a poor state that they had not so much as roof tiles to cover them with. (Strabo. l. 3. p. 594.)

3093. Scipio left there and after a 6 day march came to the head of the Caicus River. Eumenes met him with his forces. They made provision for food to carry with them for many days. They planned to attack Antiochus and settle the business before winter came. (Strabo. l. 3. p. 594.)

3094. P. Scipio Africanus became sick and was carried to Eleaea. He left his substitute, Cn. Domitius to take over his responsibilities. Antiochus intercepted Scipio in a plain near Thyatira not far from the enemy. He sent the young P. Scipio home to his father without a ransom. This was to ease his mind and to help him get well again. (See Polyb. Legat. 23. Livy l. 37. Justin, l. 31. c. 7. Appian. p. 105, 106. Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illustr. p. 609.)

3095. The senate and people of Heraclea in Pontus sent an embassy to the Scipioes and desired that they would ratify and confirm that league which Emilius had previously made with them. This was done. They also prayed that Antiochus might be taken into the favour and friendship of the people of Rome. They drew up a general decree of the people at Heraclea and sent it to Antiochus. They advised him to abandon the war against the Romans. (Memnon, Excerpt. c. 28.)

3096. Florus, (Histor. Roman. l. 2. c. 8.) tells us that Antiochus had equipped his army with very large elephants all clad and glittering with gold, silver, scarlet and ivory from elephants. In /APC 1Ma 8:6 we read that he had 120 elephants. This is likely correct for he had 102 when he fought with Ptolemy and 150 later. (see notes on 3787 AM & 3799 AM from Polyb.) Livy says he had only 54 elephants, 70,000 foot soldiers and almost 12,000 cavalry. Appian tells us that he only had 70,000 troops in all. However, Florus greatly exaggerates when he says:

``He had 300,000 foot soldiers and as many cavalry and iron chariots in the field that day.''

3097. Appian affirms that the Romans had only 30,000 foot soldiers. Livy says that of these, about 2000 Macedonians and Thracians were left to defend the camp.

3098. This battle was fought near to Magnesia at the foot of the Sipylus Hill. Hannibal was not there since he was still bottled up in Pamphylia with his fleet which he brought from Syria. P. Scipio Africanus was not there either because he was sick and in the city of Elaea. The day of the battle was misty. Antiochus, with so large an army, could not see both wings of his army at once. The dampness ruined the strings of the bows and thongs which they threw their darts with. Nevertheless they forced the right wing of the Roman army to run and flee to the camp. When Emilius who was on the left wing, saw them coming, he sent out his men to meet them. They threatened to kill them with their swords unless they returned into the battle. Thereupon, they found themselves hemmed in with their friends ahead of them and the enemies behind. Emilius also offered himself and 2000 of his men to go with them. They turned around and ran desperately into the throng of the enemy and made a vast slaughter of them. This was the turning point in the battle. Antiochus lost 50,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. (Livy l. 37. Eutrop.) Livy says 1400 were taken prisoner, Justin says 11,000. A few of the elephants were killed and 15 were taken with their masters. A few of the Romans were wounded. They lost not more than 300 foot soldiers and 24 cavalry. Eumenes lost 25 men.

3099. Antiochus escaped with a few in his company. More joined him as he went and he came to Sardis with a reasonably sized army about next midnight. He heard that his son Seleucus and various of his friends fled to Celaenae near which there was a new city of Apamea built. Before day, he went by horse with his wife and daughter and came there to him. He left Zeno to hold Sardis. He made Timon the governor of the province of Lydia. The next day he went to Syria. He left some of his captains there to salvage what they could from this disaster. (Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 110. & Zonaras, from Dion.)

3100. When Polyxenidas, Antiochus' admiral, heard of this defeat he left Ephesus and sailed as far as Patara in Lycia. For fear of the Rhodian fleet which lay not far from Megistle, he went ashore with a few in his company and came by land to Syria. (Livy l. 37.)

3101. After this victory, ambassadors flocked in from all parts to Scipio. They firts came from Thyatira and Megnesia. then they came from Sardis, Trales, Magnesia upon the Maeander and Ephesus. They all surrendered themselves to him. After this all the cities of Asia did likewise. They submitted themselves wholly to his mercy and the sovereignty of the people of Rome. (Livy l. 37.)

3102. The consul then went to Sardis and his brother P. Scipio came from Elaea to meet him as soon as he was able to travel. About the same time Musaeus was sent as an herald from Antiochus. Through the mediation of P. Scipio, he obtained permission for him to send ambassadors to the consul to sue of peace. Shortly after this Antiochus sent ambassadors from Zeuxis the governor of Lydia and Antipater's brother's son came to him. They first talked with Eumenes who was not friendly toward them because of former quarrels between Antiochus and Eumenes. The ambassadors worked through P. Scipio to address the consul directly. The consul called a full council and listened to them. Thereupon, he offered the king the same conditions as he sent him from Hellespont before the battle at Magnesia. P. Scipio publicly proclaimed that the Roman custom was not to be humiliated by defeat nor become haughty in victory. Therefore, Antiochus must leave Europe and part with all Asia on this side of the Taurus Mountains. He must pay the cost of this war. He must pay 15,000 Euboic talents, 500 now 2500 when the senate and people of Rome had ratified the peace and 1000 talents a year in 12 instalments over 12 years. He must pay 400 talents to Eumenes for his damages and the surplus of grain which was owing to his father. He must surrender to the consul, Hannibal the Carthaginian and Thoas the Etolian and some others who had been the first instigators of this war. Lastly he must deliver 20 hostages to ensure compliance with these conditions. When Antipater and Zeuxis had accepted these conditions, it was unanimously agreed to send ambassadors to Rome for the ratification of this. The meeting adjourned. (Polyb. Legat. 24. Diod. Sic. Legat. 9. Livy l. 37. Justin, l. 31. c. 8. Appian. p. 111, 112.)

3103. After this, the consul divided his army and sent them away to their winter quarters. Some went to Magnesia, some to Tralles and Ephesus. (Polyb. & Livy. l. 37.)

3104. The consul went to Ephesus and Anitiochus sent him 500 talents as agreed as a down payment as well as the hostages whom he was to give. (Livy l. 37.) Among them was Antiochus, the king's youngest son. (Appian. p. 112, 113.) Although Zonaras (from Dion.) states that Manlius Vulso, who succeeded Scipio, was the first who demanded him for a hostage.

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3105. M. Aurelius Cotta was sent by the consul to Rome with the king's ambassadors. Eumenes with the ambassadors from Eumenes, Rhodes, Smyrna, and almost of all the cities and states on this side of the Taurus Mountains went too. (Livy l. 37.)

3106. Manius Acilius Glabrio entered Rome in a triumph over Antiochus and the Eolians. (Livy l. 37.)

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3107. Cn. Manlius Vulso went as the consul in Asia. He was to take over the army which L. Scipio had. He brought with him 4000 foot soldiers and 200 cavalry from Rome. The Latins sent 8000 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry. At almost the same time as Manlius the consul had landed in Asia, Q. Fabius Labro came as praetor to take charge of the fleet. (Livy. l. 37.) When the new consul arrived at Ephesus in the beginning of the spring, L. Scipio turned the army over to him. When he had reviewed the troops, he made a speech to incite them to prepare for a war against the Gauls or Gallograecians. (Livy l. 37.) Fabius with the fleet, set sail for Crete to liberate any Romans and other Italians who were slaves there. He returned from there to Ephesus and sent 3 ships to Thracia. He ordered Antiochus' garrisons to withdraw from Enus and Maronea and then they were restored to their original liberty. (Livy. l. 37. in fi.)

3108. About the beginning of summer, Eumenes with the ambassadors came to Rome. Cotta first told the senate and later the common people what had happened in Asia. Then Eumenes was asked to speak by the senate. He told them what he had done in their service and what his request was to them. He was very moderate in his presentation. However, the Rhodians opposed him because of their own interests and that they sought the liberty of the Greek cities and states there. After both parties were heard, the Senate decreed that all the regions on this side of the Taurus Mountains which belonged to Antiochus, should be given to Eumenes. However Lycia and Caria, as far as to the Maeander River was given to the Rhodians. The rest of the cities in Asia which had been tributaries to Attalus, should pay tribute to Eumenes. Those that were tributaries of Antiochus should be free, and pay no tribute at all. (Polyb. Legat. 25. & 36. Diod. Sic. Legat. 10. Livy l. 37. & 38. Appia. in Syriac. p. 116.)

3109. Antipater and Zeuxis, the ambassadors of Antiochus, had a session in the senate and obtained a confirmation of peace for Antiochus upon such conditions as Scipio had given him in Asia. A while later, the people also ratified the same. Then they made a solemn league with sacrifices made with Antipater, chief of the embassy for Antiochus in the capitol to confirm the agreement. (Polyb. Legat. 25. Livy l. 37.) This league was etched in brass and solemnly hung up in the Capitol as other leagues were. A copy of it was sent to Manlius Vulso, the consul, who succeeded Scipio in Asia. (Appian. p. 113.)

3110. We read /APC 1Ma 8:7 that among other things, in this treaty it was agreed, that Antiochus himself and his successors would pay a large tribute to the Romans. He would give hostages for security and a part of his kingdom. By this agreement, Antiochus was to pay 12,000 talents over 12 years. These were Euboic talents not Attic talents as Livy seems to have misunderstood from Polybius. These were of the purest Attic silver and weighted 80 Roman pounds each. In addition he had to give 540,000 bushels of grain and 20 hostages. The hostages would be changed every 3 years. Even though he lost part of the kingdom he still controlled Comagena, Syria and Judea, as in (Excerpt. Memnon.) In addition he had all the upper provinces beyond Euphrates, as Babylonia, Assyria, Susiana, and the rest. In the lower Asia he had Cilicia, although he was forbidden to come with his ships into the ports of Cilicia west of the Calycadnus River and the cape of Sarpedon. Also he could not wage war there. (Polyb. Legat. 27. & 35. Livy l. 37, 38. Appian. p. 112, 113.)

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3111. When the senate heard from the ambassadors of Smyrna and the other states of Asia, they sent 10 commissioners, as was their ancient custom, to settle all matters in Asia and to compose all differences between the states. (Polyb. Legat. 25. Diod. Sic. Legat. 10. Livy l. 37.)

3112. When there was peace between the Romans and Antiochus, there was a riot in Rome. Cn. Manlius in Asia did what he could to stir up trouble in Asia. He tried to get his hands on Antiochus if he could, but failed. Antiochus knew the consul's real intentions. Although he was often asked to come to a talk with the consul, he kept himself aloof and would not come to him. The consul was desirous to get him and came with his army to the divide on the top almost of the Taurus Mountains. He was unable to pick any quarrel against him or his allies. Therefore the consul attacked the Gallograecians, under the pretence that they had previously helped Antiochus in his war. There was no point driving Antiochus beyond the Taurus Mountains unless these fierce and warlike people were subdued also. Because Eumenes was at that time out of the country at Rome, the consul sent for Attalus, Eumenes' brother from Pergamus to come to him. The consul had moved from Ephesus to Magnesia. When Attalus received this summons, he came to him with 1000 foot soldiers and about 200 cavalry. They went together to the Harpalu River. Atheneus, another brother of Eumenes and Attalus, came to him with Leusus of Crete and Corragus, a Macedonian. Between them they brought an additional 1000 foot soldiers from various countries and 300 cavalry. (Livy. l. 38.)

3113. Ambassadors from the state of Alabanda came to the consul. They requested help in subduing a citadel that had recently revolted from them. The consul helped them recover the citadel. The consul continued on to the city of Antioch on the Meander River. Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, came there also as he might legally do by the articles with Scipio. He came to supply grain for the Roman army. The inhabitants of Taba, a city of Cilicia, bordering upon Pisidia, attacked the army of the Romans and paid for their pains 25 talents and 10,000 bushels of wheat. The inhabitants asked for mercy. The third day later they came to the back of the Chaus River and came to attack the city Eriza. They took it on the first assault. (Livy l. 38.)

3114. Moagetes the tyrant, who had under him three cities, Cybara, Syleum and Alymne or Alnida, was a cruel and subtle man. He could barely be made to purchase his peace at the price of 130 talents and 10,000 bushels of grain. (Livy l. 38. Polyb. Legat. 30,)

3115. When the consul had crossed the Colobatus River, ambassadors came to him from Isiodenes asking for help. The men of Termessa, a city in Pisidia, had joined with the inhabitants of Philomelia and plundered their country and city. They had besieged their citadel into which all their citizens with their wives and children had fled for safety. The consul took control of the situation and marched towards Pamphylia. He raised the siege from before Isiodenes and pardoned the men of Termessa after they paid 50 talents of silver. The people of Aspendus and of Pamphylia were treated likewise. (Polyb. Legat. 32. Livy l. 38.)

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3116. The consul returned from Pamphylia to start his war against Gallogrecia or Galatia. He captured the city Cormasa and found a great deal of booty there. He left and as he proceeded on his way by the marshes of that country, ambassadors came to him from the city of Lysinoe and submitted to him. When he granted them his mercy, he came to the plain of Salagessa, in Pisidia. From there he took away a rich prey of cattle. Ambassadors came to him and presented him with a crown of gold of 50 talents in weight and with 20,000 bushels of barley and as many in wheat. Therefore he made peace with them. (Polyb. Legat. 32. Livy l. 38.)

3117. He went from there to the source of the Obryma River and camped at a place called the Aporis-town. The next day Seleucus came to him from Apamea. The consul sent away his soldiers that were sick or otherwise unserviceable to Apamea. He was supplied with guides. He found the cities abandoned everywhere by the inhabitants for fear of his coming. His army had so much spoil that they were barely able to march 5 miles a day. At that rate they came to the old Bendos and on the 3rd day after that into the country of Galatia. (Livy l. 38.)

3118. He had his camp there for a few days. In that time he sent his ambassadors to Epossognatus, who alone of all the kings of that country had remained loyal to Eumenes and had never helped Antiochus against the Romans. Thereupon, Epossognatus went to the rest of the kings of that country and asked them to submit to the Romans on fair and reasonable terms. (Livy l. 38. with Polyb. Lega. 33.) There were at that time, three kings of these Gauls, still called by their old names of Tolistobogians, Tectosagians and Trochmians. There names were, Ortiagon, Combolomarus and Gaulotus. (Livy l. 38.) Of the three Ortiagon was a man of great reputation for his bounty, prudence and martial valour. He was thought at that time to be ambitious of controlling the whole country. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 114. & Suidas in Ortiagon.)

3119. Meanwhile, ambassadors came to the consul as he camped in a village called Tyscon from Oroanda. They wanted his friendship which he finally gave to them for 200 talents of ready money. (Livy l. 38.)

3120. While the Romans besieged the citadel of the Galatians, called Cuballus, the enemy's cavalry came and attacked in a disorganized manner, some of the Roman army and killed them. The consul repelled the attack and killed some of them in their flight. He came with his army, without stopping any where on the way to the Sangarius River or Sagaris, which is a river in Galatia running through Phrygia into the Pontic Sea. (Livy l. 38.)

3121. Since the river was too deep to ford, he made a bridge and crossed the river on it. Some Balli or eunuchs of Cybele the mother of the gods sent by Attis and Battacus her priests from Pessinute and met him there with ornaments and other trinkets on them. They prophesied in a fantastic way and told him that the mother of the gods sent them to offer the Romans the victory and sovereignty of that country. The consul replied that he accepted the offer. He pitched his camp in the same place. (Livy l. 38. & Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 209.)

3122. The next day he came to Gordium. It was abandoned by the inhabitants but full of all kinds of provisions. While he was there, Epossognatus came to him and said that he had spoken with the kings of the Gauls but could not bring them to listen to reason. They with their wives and children and their main wealth were all retiring to the Mount Olympus. They planned to defend themselves and trusted in their arms and the location of the place. (Livy. l. 38. & Polyb. Legat. 33.) Those of the tribe Oroanda came soon after with more detailed news. The Tolistobogians had already taken the Mount of Olympus and the Tectosagians had taken another hill, called Magana. The Trochmians had left their wives and children with the Tectosagins and had joined forces with the Tolistobagians. (Livy l. 38.)

3123. The camp of these Gauls that were on Mount Olympus was attacked and taken by the consul and Attalus. Claudius Quadrigarius says that they fought twice in Mount Olympus. 40,000 men were killed. However, Valerius Antias says only 10,000 were killed. There is no doubt that 40,000 were killed since they had all sorts of people, young and old, of either sex in the mount. It was more like a colony than an army to fight with an enemy. The consul burnt all their arms in one fire and had all the spoil of them brought to him. He either sold all that was to be sold or equally divided it among his soldiers. (Livy l. 38.)

3124. Yet there still remained the war with the Tectosagians. The consul therefore marched towards them and came to a place called Ancyra, which was a great city there. They camped less than 10 miles from the enemy. There Chiomaris, Ortyagon's wife, was taken prisoner. A certain centurion had ravished her and when she got her chance she cut off his head and sent it to her husband who had gone home from Olympus. (Livy. l. 38. Florus, l. 2. c. 11. & Victor. De Vir. Illustr. c. 55.) This story is more fully told by Polybius, who says that he spoke with Chiomaris herself at Sardis. He added that he wondered at the wisdom of the woman. (Plutarch, De Clar. Mulier, i.e. of famous women.)

3125. While the consul camped at Ancyra, some ambassadors from the Tectosagians came to him asking him to move his camp further from there. They wanted this done before their kings agreed to a treaty with him about a peace. They, under the pretence of a parlay, ambushed a party of the Romans. Since they outnumbered the Romans, they killed many of them. They would have done more, had not some who were abroad foraging, heard their cry and came to their rescue. (Polyb. Legat. 34, Livy. l. 38.)

3126. The Romans were enraged by this. The next day the whole army marched and came where they were. They spent two days in viewing and considering the situation of the hill where they were. On the third, the consul drew out his army and divided them into three brigades. The main force of the enemy was in the Tectosagians and Trochmians who numbered 50,000 foot soldiers plus the cavalry. They could make no use of their cavalry in that craggy ground. They joined with the foot soldiers to the number of 10,000. The Cappadocians sent from Ariarathes and others from Morzes in the left wing and added 4000 more troops. When the battle was started, the Gauls were defeated and the Romans made a huge slaughter of them. The rest fled and every man shifted for himself. In the chase, the Romans slew 8000 more of them and the rest escaped over the Halys River.

3127. The next day the consul viewed the spoil as well as the prisoners. The men were gnawing the chains they were tied to with their teeth and offered themselves to be choked by each other. The spoil was very great. This was a most greedy and rapacious nation which had had the spoil of all Asia on this side the Taurus Mountains for so many years. Later the Gauls that escaped came together naked and wounded, having lost all they had. They agreed among themselves to send to the Romans and sue for peace. The consul wanted them to follow him to Ephesus. It was past mid-autumn and he was desirous to get out of that cold air near the snowy Taurus Mountains and go to the sea side to winter his army. (Livy l. 38. with Appian. in Syriac. p. 115. & Flor. l. 7. c. 11.)

3128. At Rome, on the 1st of February, (according to their year, September 27th by ours,) L. Emilius Regillus held a triumph over Antiochus for the victory which he won at sea. (Livy l. 37.)

3129. About this time, the ten commissioners left Rome for Asia accompanied by those ambassadors and others who came from Asia. They came to Brundusium. L. and P. Scipio came from Asia to land in Italy. A few days later they entered Rome with a triumph. (Polyb. Legat. 25.) L. Scipio held a triumph over Antiochus on the last of February which was a leap year or the 16th of our November. This was almost a year after his consulship had expired. So that he might not seem inferior to his brother Africanus in any point, all men surnamed him Asiaticus. (Livy l. 38.)

3130. C. Manlius Vulso remained in Asia as a pro-consul for another year after his term as consul expired. (Livy l. 38.)

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3131. In the 4th year of the 147th Olympiad, ambassadors came to Manlius the proconsul while he was wintering at Ephesus. They came from all the cities, states and countries in Asia on this side of the Taurus Mountains to congratulate his victory over the Gauls. They presented him with crowns of gold. He entertained them all with so much respect and favour that he sent them away more glad and joyful than when they came. Ambassadors from the Gauls came to him as he had arranged to know on what conditions they might have their peace. He said that he would hear them about that matter when Eumenes came and not before. Ambassadors also came from Ariarathes king of Cappadocia, to ask his pardon and to redeem his offence with money in that he had assisted Antiochus, his father-in-law, in his war. He was fined 600 talents of silver, although Livy and Appian say only 200. Musaens also came to him from Antiochus. Manlius answered that he would meet with him at the borders of Pamphilia. He would take the 2500 talents and the grain which he was to pay according to the agreement made with L. Scipio by him. (Polyb. Legat. 35. Livy l. 38.)

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3132. At the beginning of the spring the consul reviewed his army. He and Attalus left Ephesus and on the 8th day came to Apamea. After he spent 3 days there, they left and in 3 days came with his army into Pamphylia to the place which he had appointed for his meeting with Antiochus. He stayed 3 days, and distributed wheat among his army which Antiochus had sent. The money Antiochus sent was consigned to one of the officers to be conveyed to Apamea. From there he went to Perga which was the only place in all that country which was defended by a garrison. When he was near it, the captain of the garrison came out to meet him and asked for 40 days, to ask Antiochus and to receive his answer as what to do concerning the surrender of the place to him. This was granted and on the set day, the garrison left the place. (Livy l. 38.)

3133. About the same time near the beginning of summer, the 10 commissioners with Eumenes arrived at Ephesus. They stayed for only 2 days to settle their stomachs after the voyage. They left and came to Apamea. When the proconsul heard of their coming, he sent his brother L. Manlius with 4000 soldiers to Oroanda to demand from them the money that was in arrears. The proconsul wished for the ambassadors of Antiochus to follow him and returned with his army to Apamea. He found Eumenes there with the 10 commissioners and held a meeting with them as to what should be done. First, all agreed to ratify the peace previously made with Antiochus for its observance according as it was drawn up by the senate. (The details of the agreement are accurately given by Polybius and Livy.) Manlius the proconsul, in the presence of the king's ambassadors took a solemn oath to observe the agreement. After that he sent to Antiochus, Q. Minucius Thermus a colonel and his own brother, L. Manlius, who had just returned from Oroanda with the money which he was sent for. They were to take the same oath from Antiochus and to ratify all its conditions. (Livy l. 38. with Appian. p. 113.)

3134. The proconsul wrote his letters to Q. Fabius Labeo, who commanded the navy to come away immediately to Patara. He was to burn or destroy all the king's ships that were there. (Polyb. & Livy l. 38.)

3135. Labeo left Ephesus and came to Patara. There he burned or destroyed 50 ships of the king's. On the same journey, he recovered Thelmessus. The men there were surprised by the sudden coming of the Roman fleet. He sailed from Lycia. He sent word to Ephesus for those who were left there to follow him. He came through the middle of the islands on his way into Greece. He stayed a few days at Athens until his ships from Ephesus came. Then the whole fleet sailed for Italy. (Livy l. 38.)

3136. According to the peace treaty, the proconsul received the elephants from Antiochus which were at Apamea, according to Polybius. He gave them all to Eumenes. He then heard the disagreements between the cities and states resulting from the war and the new peace. Ariarathes king of Cappadocia had half his fine removed for Eumenes' sake, to whom he had then recently betrothed his daughter. (Livy l. 38.)

3137. At Apamea, the proconsul and the 10 commissioners heard all that came. They selected neutral places by the consent of all parties, to hear about the differences between city and city with respect to boundaries, revenue and the like. The proconsul and the commissioners for ever relieved the Colophonians who lived in Notium, the inhabitants of Cyma and Mylassa from paying tribute. The Clazomenae were freed from tribute and the Drymussa Island opposite their city was assigned to them. The Milesians were restored the place called Sacer Ager: that is, the holy country. They had abandoned it from fear of their enemies. For their zeal and readiness to help in the war, the peoples of Chios, Smyrna and Erythrae were given all the lands they wanted to have. They were given a singular recommendation for their actions. They of Phocaea had their laws and liberties fully restored to them along with all the territory which they possessed before the war began. (Polyb. Legat. 36. Livy l. 38.)

3138. They gave to Ilium, the cities and lands of Rhaetaeus and Gergithus. This was not so much for any great service which they had done but because these peoples were all related from the distant past. (Livy l. 38.)

3139. Before there where a few places, belonging to Pergamus and its jurisdiction, that is, only to the sea side near Elais and Adramyttium according to Strabo. (l. 13. p. 627.) They gave to Eumenes, Lysimachia and the Chersonese of Thracia on the European side. In Asia he received all Lycaonia, Myllus, Phrygia the greater and the less and all the countries of Lydia and Ionia. The towns which were free when the battle was fought with Antiochus were exempted. They also gave him Thralles, Ephesus and Telmessus in Lycia. Since he had previously controlled Mysia and king Prusias had captured it, this land was restored to him. They deferred the allocation of Pamphysia to the senate. Eumenes' ambassadors said it was on this side of the Taurus Mountains and the ambassadors of Antiochus said it lay beyond it. (Polyb. Legat. 35. Livy l. 37, 38.)

3140. The two Rhodian ambassadors Theaetaetus and Philophron, desired that they might have Lycia and Caria, according to a former decree of the Senate. Hipparchus and Satyrus, the ambassadors from Ilium, most earnestly asked the commissioners to consider the blood ties between them and the Lycians and to pardon the Lycians. The commissioners tried to satisfy both parties as best they could. They did not fine the Lycians as a favour to those from Ilium. However, they assigned the whole country of the Lycians to the Rhodians to satisfy their wishes too. The city of Telmessus and its forts and the country belonging to Ptolemy of Telmessus were not given to Rhodes. Caria and all beyond the Meander River was given to the Rhodians except for those places, which were free the day before the battle at Magnesia against Antiochus.

3141. The Lycians protested publicly that they would risk anything rather than be subject to Rhodes. They claimed that they were assigned by the commissioners friends and associates to them not as subjects.

3142. The commissioners according to the articles of the peace, demanded Hannibal from Antiochus. When Antiochus told Hannibal this, he fled from there and went to Gortyna in Crete. (Justin l. 32. c. 4. & Emil. Prob. in Hannib.) Yet the story is that when Antiochus was defeated by the Romans, Hannibal first fled to Artaxras in Armenia. Hannibal gave him much good counsel. He told him to build the capital city in Armenia, which was named after him and called Artaxata or Artaxiasata. (Plut. in Lucullo, Strabo, l. 11. p. 528.) Artaxias and Thariades or Zariadres were two captains in Antiochus' army. By his consent they previously ruled over all Armenia. The one man ruled over Greater Armenia and the other over the lesser. After Antiochus' defeat, they joined with the Romans and from them each obtained the title of a king in his own dominions. (Strabo Ibid. p. 531, 532.) It is most likely, that at the time when they made friends with the Romans, Hannibal escaped from there also and fled into Crete.

3143. When Antiochus had lost all of Asia, he said that he was very grateful to the Romans, for taking that troublesome area from him and confining him to a more mangeable estate. (Cic. pro Dejotaro. Valer. Maxim. l. 4. c. 1.)

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3144. When Cn. Manlius and the 10 commissioners had now settled all things, they went with the whole army toward the Hellespont and planned to settle matters in Galatia on the way. (Polyb. Legat. 36. c. 1.)

3145. They summoned those petty kings to them and gave them conditions of peace as they thought fit. The substance of it was this. They should keep peace with Eumenes and warned them to stop their warring customs and stay within their own lands. (Livy l. 38.) These lands were that part of Phrygia, Paphlagonia, Mysia, where it borders on the mount Olympus and Cappadocia. This was occupied before by them and was now called Galatia, (Zonar ea Dione.) We read /APC 1Ma 8:2 that the Romans imposed a tribute on them. When the Romans had chastised the Galatians for their insolence towards them, they assumed the entire sovereignty of Asia on this side of the Taurus Mountains. They made the mountains the eastern boundary empire for that time. They spared the inhabitants there from that terror which they were formerly in from those fierce and barbarous Gauls. (Polyb. l. 3. p. 159. with Manlius his Oration, in Livy l. 38.)

3146. Manlius gathered all the ships which he could get in all that coast. Eumenes with his ships came to him. He used them to cross into Europe with his army. (Livy l. 38.)

3147. Antiochus marched with his army into his upper provinces (or as Jerome on Da 11 speaks, going to the remotest cities of his dominions.) He proclaimed his son Seleucus Philopator to be his successor. /APC 2Ma 9:23

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3148. Whether Antiochus felt over burdened with the heavy tribute imposed by the Romans or was just greedy and used the Roman tribute as an excuse, he committed sacrilege on his gods. He heard that the temple of Jupiter Belus in Elimaiis had large quantities of silver, gold and other precious jewels that were offered there. He planned to seize it all. He came into Elemaiis and pretended that the inhabitants of that place had revolted from him. At night, his army raided the temple and took an enormous amount of wealth from there. When the people heard of this, the peasants of the country came in and attacked his army and slew both him and them. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 292, 298. Strabo, l. 16. p. 744. Justin, l. 32. c. 2.) Jerome on Da 11 says that he was slain in a fight against the inhabitants of Elemaiis. However, Arel. Victor. (de Vir. Illustr.) tells us, that he was slain by his drinking companions. Some of these he had beaten in a drunken fit and misused at a feast. Zonaras notes correctly from Dion, that this happened in the year when C. Flaminius and Emilius Lepidus were consuls of Rome.

3149. After his death Seleucus, surnamed Philopator, or as Josephus, (l. 12. c. 4.) Soter (which was indeed the surname of his son Demetrius) succeeded him in the kingdom. He reigned 12 years and was a lazy man and not powerful because of his father's great defeat by the Romans. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 131. with Porphy. Euseb. & Severns, Sulpitius.) When he assumed the kingdom, he had a son called Demetrius whose surname was Soter. According to Polybius (Legat. 107.) he was 23 years old when his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes, died. It is this Seleucus who is referred to in /APC 2Ma 3:1-3.

``When the Holy City lived in all peace, its laws were excellently well executed by reason of the piety of Onias the high priest. He was an utter enemy to all ungodliness. It came to pass that even kings themselves honoured this place and adorned the temple with many rich offerings. Seleucus himself, king of Asia, furnished all the cost out of his own coffers for the public ministry of the sacrifices.''

3150. When Philopoemen was praetor or chief magistrate of the Achaeans, Demetrius of Athens came as an ambassador of Ptolemy from Alexandria to renew his league with the Achaeans. They were very glad for this and sent to him their ambassadors, Lycortas, father to Polybius the historian, Theodoridas and Rhositeles of Sicyone. They were to take their oath to the king and also to receive his oath to them. (Polyb. Legat. 37.)

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3151. Cn. Manlius Vulso, contrary to the votes of the 10 commissioners, held a triumph in Rome over the Gauls in Asia, on the 5th day of March. (Livy l. 38. & 39.) Hannibal, having nothing else to do, wrote a book in Greek about the consul's deeds in Asia. He learned Greek from Sosilus, a Lacedemonian at Ilium who wrote the deeds of Hannibal in 7 volumes, according to Diod. Sic. ( l. 26. Eclog.)

3152. When Aristaenus was praetor or chief magistrate in Achaia, the ambassadors returned home who were sent from there to king Ptolemy. The general assembly of that country met at Megalopolis. Before it Lycortas declared that according to their commission they had taken their oath to the king and received his oath to them. He added that they had brought a present from the king to the people of Achaia. They received enough brass arms to furnish 6000 targateers and 200 talents of brass in ready coin. (Polyb. Legat. 41.)

3153. Eumenes also sent his ambassadors to that meeting, to renew the league with them which had formerly been between them and his father. He promised to give them 120 talents to loan at interest, so that its income would help defray the cost of those who periodically came to their assemblies. They were all tempted by his generousity, but declined it. (Polyb. Legat. 41. & Diod. Sic. Legat. 13.)

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3154. Eumenes' ambassadors came to Rome, to request the ownership of the cities of Thracia, Enus and Maronaea which they claimed belonged to Eumenes which the Romans had given to him. They complained that Philippus, King of Macedonia had seized them by force and put garrisons in them. He had taken from there some inhabitants and settled them in Macedonia. To settle the matter, the senate sent Q. Caecilius Metellus, M. Baebius and Tib. Sempronius as a commission to Thessalonica to hear both sides of the dispute. (Polyb. Legat. 40, 42, Livy l. 39.)

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3155. When they returned to Rome, the ambassadors on either side said there was nothing but what they had already said before the commissioners at Thessalonica. The senate decreed a second commission, under Ap. Claudius, with instructions to expel all garrisons from Enus and Maronaea and to take all the sea coast of Thracia from the jurisdiction of Philippus and his Macedonians. (Polyb. Legat. 43, 44. & Livy l. 39.)

3156. At the same time, Arcus and Alcibiades, the two head men of Sparta came to Rome. In the senate they complained bitterly about Achaeans. Thereupon the senate thought fit to refer that cause to the same commissioners. (Polyb. Legat. 42. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 214.)

3157. Lycortas of Megalopolis, Polybius' father, the praetor of Achaia, called an assembly of the country. At it, Arcus and Alcibiades, who went to complain of them at Rome, were condemned to die for that act. (Livy l. 39. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 214.)

3158. A while after, the Roman ambassadors came into Achaia and the common council of Achaia met before them at Clitore in Arcadia. (Livy l. 39. Polyb. Legat. 43.) Their coming did not please the Achaeans especially when they saw Arcus and Alcibiades (whom they in a recent assembly had condemned to death) come with the ambassadors. Lycortas, like a magistrate, pleaded and upheld the cause of the Achaeans very boldly. However, the commissioners did not pay much attention to what he said and declared publicly and with joint consent that Arcus and Alcibiades were honest men. They had done the Achaeans no wrong at all and prevailed so far as to have the sentence against them reversed. (Livy l. 39. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 214.)

3159. When Hannibal had lived a long time very quietly at Gortyna in Crete, many envied him because of his great wealth. He filled some large chests with lead and deposited them in the temple of Diana as a treasure for safe keeping. (??) Thereupon the people, having such a pledge as that from him, were less envious of him. In the meantime he stole away to Prusias, surnamed, as I said before, the Hunter, king of Bithynia. He melted his gold into hollow statues of brass which he carried away with him. (Justin, l. 32. c. 4. & Emil. Probus, in Hannibal.)

3160. A little later Prusias broke his league with Eumenes, king of Pergamus now that he had Hannibal to manage his war for him. (Justin, l. 32. c. 4.) There was a fierce war between them on both land and sea. However, Eumenes with the help of the Romans, over-powered him. Since Prusias was poor and weak, Hannibal procured for him the help of some other kings and states and those from very warlike countries. (Emil. Prob.) Among them, he got the help of Philippus, king of Macedonia, who sent him Philocles his general with a large army to help him. (Polyb. Legat. 46.)

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3161. In the 149th Olympiad when M. Claudius Marcellus and Q. Fabius Labeo, first entered into their consulship, an embassy from Eumenes carried by Athenaeus his youngest brother came to Rome. He brought with him a crown of gold of 15,000 talents. He complained that Philippus had not withdrawn his garrisons from Thracia and that he sent help to Prusias, king of Bithynia, who had wilfully broken his league and made war on Eumenes. (Polyb. Legat. 46. Livy l. 39.) With the other ambassadors from Lacedemon, Arcus and Alcibiades came to the senate. (Polyb. Legat. 46.)

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3162. After Prusias was defeated by Eumenes on land, he tried to defeat him at sea but was too weak for Eumenes. Hannibal advised him to try to accomplish by craft what he could not do through plain force. Therefore, he put a number of all sorts of snakes into earthen vessels. In the middle of the fight these were to be hurled aboard the enemy's ships. He ordered his soldiers and sea-men, to attack only the ship that Eumenes was in and defend themselves from the rest as well as they could using these snakes. So that they would most certainly know what ship Eumenes was in, Prusias sent beforehand a letter to him by a herald. It was full of contempt and abuses against Eumenes. Therefore, when the battle was started, Prusias' men fought only against the ship which Eumenes was in. Thereupon he was forced to flee. He would have died had he not landed on a shore where he had placed beforehand a company of troops for such emergencies. When Eumenes' other ships pressed close to the enemy, they threw their earthen pitchers full of snakes at them. These landed on the decks and broke releasing the snakes. At first this seemed ridiculous to them. When they could not move anywhere in the ship for the snakes and found themselves as bothered by their bites as with the arrows of their enemy, they abandoned the fight, and fled to their sea camp on the shore. (Justin l. 32. c. 4. Emil. Prob. in Hannibal.)

3163. Hannibal's tricks defeated Eumenes in that battle. In various other engagements Hannibal used various tricks to overcome Eumenes. Once when he advised Prusias to fight he would not because he said the entrails of the beasts forbid him to. Hannibal replied:

``What, will you rely more on a little piece of flesh in a calf than on the judgment of an old experienced captain in the field?'' (Cic. De Divinae. l. 2. Plut. in his Treatise, De Exile, Valer Max. l. 3. c. 7.)

3164. Now when news of these doings came to Rome, ambassadors were sent immediately by the senate,to make a peace between the two kings and to demand Hannibal from Prusias. Polybius (Legat. 47.) tells us that Ti. Qu. Flaminius was sent ambassador at that time to both Prusias and also to Seleucus, king of Syria. Livy (l. 39. from Galerius Antias) says that Lu. Scipio Asiaticus and P. Scipio Nasica were sent as a commission with him to Prusias.

3165. Agesipolis, who before his legal age of maturity was king of Sparta, was sent with others to Rome from those who were banished from Lacedemon. On the way he was killed by pirates. (Polyb. Legat. 49.) Agesipolis was the son of Cleomenes the king of Sparta, who was slain in Alexandria. (See note on 3784 AM) He was legally taken for their king by the Ephori but was turned out again by those usurping tyrants who took over that state. They were Lycurgus, Machanidas and Nabis. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 304) Now that the lawful king was dead, Arcus, (of whom I spoke before from Polybius, Livy and Pausanias) was a most earnest and strong defender of his country's liberty against the Achaeans now that their power was now controlled by the Romans. He seems to have acquired the title of a king among them. Both writer (Josephus Antiq. l. 12. c. 4 & Euseb. in Chron.) state that Arcus the king of Lacedemon sent an embassy with his letters to Onias the 3rd., the son of Onias, the high priest at Jerusalem. These letters are preserved in Josephus. (Josephus Antiq. l. 12. c. 5. /APC 1Ma 12:1-23) This book was translated from the Hebrew, (for that book was originally written in Hebrew, as Jerome shows) and retains everywhere the brevity and Hebrewisms of it. In these letters, mention is made of the blood relationship between the Jews and Lacedemonians. This seems to have been taken from the mythological writings of the Greeks. An example of Claudius Iolaus in Stephanus Byzantinus in the word "Judea". That name of the Jews came from Judeus Sportones, a fellow soldier of Bacchus in his wars. Although Pausanias in his Corinthiaca, (p. 58.) assures us that the names of Sportones was completely unknown to the Spartan or Lacedemonians of his time.

3166. Eumenes started to make war with Prusias king of Bithynia and Ortyagon, one of the kings of the Gauls. (Prolog. Trogi, l. 32. with Polyb. l. 3. l. 159.)

3167. I think the death of Hannibal, happened in the consulship of L. Emilius Paulus and Cn. Baelius Pamphilus, for Polybius and Valerius Max. state that. It was not in the year before as Atticus and Livy, who copied him, state. Nor was it in the following year as Sulpitius and in Emil. Probus, (in Hannibal.) write. Livy describes how he died. (Livy l. 39. in Justin l. 32. c. 4. in Plut. in the Life of I. Q. Flaminius to Dion. Quoted by Zonaras, in Emil. Brob. in Hannibal, and in Appianus in his Syriaca, p. 91.)

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3168. Hannibal stayed in a little citadel Prusias had given him. He made 7 doors which did not look like doors from the outside. If anyone came to attack the place, they would not place any guards there because they appeared not to be doors. Therefore when he heard that the king's soldiers were in the porch to break in on him, he went to get out at one of those blind back doors. When he found that contrary to his expectation, men were there to take him and the place was totally surrounded, he poisoned himself with the poison he always carried with him. He died at the age of 70 years. Concerning his death it is said that there was this oracle long before uttered.

``The land of Lybia, Hannibal's corpse shall cover.''

3169. The word Lybia or Lybyssa, he always understood of Lybia in Africa. However, it was a little village in Bithynia near the seaside also by the same name. Pliny says: (l. 5. c. 22.)

``There was in those parts, a little town called Lybyssa, where is now nothing worth seeing, but only Hannibal's tomb.''

3170. Pharnaces king of Pontus suddenly attacked the city of Synope and captured it. It remained the possession of his and his successors from that time on. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 545, 546.)

3171. In the second year of the 149th Olympiad ambassadors came to Rome from the two kings, Eumenes and Pharnaces who were at war with each other. Ambassadors came from Rhodes and complained of the injustice done to them at Synope, by Pharnaces. Thereupon Marius and others in commission with him were sent as ambassadors to examine the case of Synope and to compose all differences between the two kings. (Polyb. Legat. 52, 53. & Livy l. 40.)

3172. Hyrcanus (the son of Josephus, and nephew of Tobias) was sent to Seleucus to gather his tributes on the east side of the Jordan River. He built a good and most fortified citadel all of white marble which he called Tyros. It was located in the regions of Arabia and Judea on the other side Jordan not far from the land of Heshbon. He was governor of all that region during the last 7 years of Seleucus' reign. All that time there was a constant war with the Arabians and he made large slaughters of them, besides taking many prisoners and slaves. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 4, 5.)

3173. Marcius and his commissioners returned to the senate after they investigated the situation between Eumenes and Pharnaces. They reported to the senate what they found. They said that Eumenes was fair and temperate in all his ways. However, Pharnaces was very greedy and hot tempered. (Polyb. Legat. 53.) They said he was the most violent and dangerous king they ever saw. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 130.)

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3174. Ariarathes king of Cappadocia joined in with Eumenes of Pergamus to make war on Pharnaces, king of Pontus. All three at the same time sent their ambassadors to Rome. When the senate had heard them all, they said that they would send commissioners once more into those parts with power to hear and determine all matters between them. (Id. id. with l. 3. p. 159. Livy l. 40.)

3175. Pharnaces scorned the Romans and sent Leocritus in the middle of winter with an army of 10,000 men, to harass and ravage all the country of Galatia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3176. The next spring, Pharnaces in person, mustered all his forces as if he would have attacked Cappadocia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3177. Eumenes was grieved to see him transgress all bounds of law and honesty as he did. He and his brother Attalus who had recently returned from Rome, marched into Galatia against Leocritus. They did not find him there. When Carsignatus (or rather Epossognatus, as Fulvius Ursinus thinks it should be) and Gazotarius sent their ambassadors to desire them not to harm them for they were ready to do whatever they were told to do. Eumenes rejected them as men who had previously falsified and broken their faith and word to him. They went on against Pharnaces. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3178. At the end of the 5 day march, Eumenes with his brother came from Calpito or Calpia, a city of Bithynia to the Halys River. On the 6th day they came to Amisus, a city in Cappadocia. Here Ariarathes the king of that country, had joined his army with theirs. They all came into the plain of Amisus and they pitched camp. They were barely settled when news came that the commissioners came from Rome to make a peace between them. Thereupon Eumenes sent away his brother Attalus to welcome them into those parts. In the meantime he doubled his army and put them all into the best shape he could. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3179. The commissioners arrived and asked both parties to be at peace. Eumenes and Ariarathes replied with all their hearts they wanted peace and to do whatever else they would be pleased to ask. When the commissioners asked that during the treaty they would withdraw their forces from the enemy's country, Eumenes readily assented and the next morning ordered his forces back into Galatia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3180. The commissioners then talked with Pharnaces and could not get him to come to any conference if Eumenes would be there. After much adieu, they persuaded him to send his ambassadors to some place by the sea side with full power there to make an agreement and that he would abide by the agreement. When his ambassadors came to the appointed place the conference began. Eumenes was ready to yield to any conditions but the ambassadors of Pharnaces behaved in such a way that the commissioners easily knew that Pharnaces had no intention of coming to any agreement. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3181. So the conference broke off and no peace was made between them. When the commissioners left Pergamus and Pharnaces' ambassadors departed, the war went on between them as before. Eumenes started to prepare all things necessary for it on his part. However, at the earnest insistance of the Rhodians, who desired his help against the Lycians, he let Pharnaces alone for that time and went to help them. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3182. Leocritus, the general of Pharnaces' Forces, besieged Pius (or rather Teios) a town in Pontus. He forced the garrison which consisted of all mercenary soldiers, to surrender the town to him on the condition that they were granted safe conduct. Later Leocritus received an order from Pharnaces to kill them all because they had previously offended him. He pursued them on the way and killed them all. (Diod. Sec. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 302.)

3183. When Seleucus had assembled a reasonably sized army, he went to help Pharnaces. He was ready to cross the Taurus Mountains and then remembered that he was breaking the peace agreement with the Romans. He followed good advice, stopped the expedition and returned home again. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

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3184. After this, Pharnaces entered an agreement with Attalus and the rest. They entered into a solemn league between them. Eumenes at that time was sick at Pergamus but was now well. When all was ratified that Attalus had done, he returned to Eumenes. He then sent him and the rest of his brothers to Rome. Everyone who knew what service they had done for the Romans in the wars in Asia, welcomed them heartily. The senate provided lodgings and a generous allowance for them at the public expense. Attalus complained to the senate of the wrongs that Pharnaces had done to them. He desired them to chastise him according to the severity of his offence. They answered him graciously and promised to send commissioners there, who would make a final accord between them. (Polyb. Legat. 56. Diod. Legat. 14.)

3185. Ptolemy Epiphanes desired a closer alliance with the Achaeans. He sent his ambassadors to them and promised them 10 ships, each of 50 oars a piece fully outfitted. The Achaeans considered that the offer was too good to be refused, as it amounted to the value of almost 10 talents. They willingly accepted it. They sent him their ambassadors, Lycortas with his son Polybius, (that is, the historian) even though he was legally too young to be an ambassador. They sent with them, Aratus, the son of Aratus the Sicyonian, with instructions both to thank the king for the arms and money, which he had previously sent them through Lycortas. They were to receive from him the 10 promised ships and to bring them into Peloponese. However, the embassy never went further than Achaia because they received news that Ptolemy had died. (Diod. Legat. 57.)

3186. When Ptolemy laid a trap to take Seleucus in, he sent on foot an army to go against him. One of his captains asked him, where he would get money to go through with what he planned to do. He replied:

``His friends were his treasure:''

3187. This saying spread quickly and his friends and captains in the army heard it. They thought it meant that he planned to enrich himself by impoverishing them. So they poisoned him. (Jerome on Da 11) Ptolemy Epiphanes, in Priscian the grammarian, is said by Cato to have been a most excellent and bountiful king. The truth is that for a long time, he carried himself very nobly and well. Later he was influenced by some followers of the court. He had Aristomenes whom he had formerly honoured as a father, to drink hemlock which killed him. He did more acts of violence and cruelty and ruled his people more like a tyrant than a king. By these actions, he was so hated and despised by his subjects that they were ready to depose him. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 294, 297.)

3188. At his death, he left two sons who were not of legal age. The oldest was called, Philometor, the younger, Physcon, (Josephus, l. 12. c. 5.) Ptolemaeus Philometor (whom Epiphanius incorrectly calls him Philopator) reigned after his father, 35 years. (Clan. Ptolemaus, in Can. Reg. Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius,) Others tell us the same less three months only.

3825 AM, 4535 JP, 179 BC

3189. Pharnaces found himself out powered by this unexpected and violent coming on of the enemy. He sent his ambassadors to Eumenes and Ariarathes and sued for peace. So this war between Eumenes and Ariarathes on the one side and Pharnaces and Mithridates the king of Armenia on the other concluded on these conditions. Pharnaces would not enter Galatia. He would break off all former agreements and leagues made with the Galatians. He would likewise leave Paphlagonia. The inhabitants he deported from there, he would now return home again with their arms. He would restore to Ariarathes, all the places which he had taken from him along with any hostages he had received from him. He would restore all the prisoners which he had taken without a ransom. He would turn over those who had left their king and defected to him. He would restore to Morzias and Ariarathes the 900 talents which he had taken from them and 300 more to Eumenes for his war expenses. Mithridates the king of Armenia would pay 300 talents for making war on Ariarathes which broke the league which he had made with Eumenes. This league, included all the important men of Asia and Artaxias, a petty king of the greater part of all Armenia and Acusilochus. On the European side, Gatalus of Sarmatia, and the free states of Heraclea, Mesembrya, Chersonesus, and Cyzicum were part of this league. As soon as the hostages came from Pharnaces, the armies broke up and every man went to his own home. (Polyb. Legat. 59.)

3826 AM, 4536 JP, 178 BC

3190. Teius was a town in Pontus which Prusias was to restore to Eumenes according to the league. Eumenes freely gave it back to him again and Prusias thanked him for that. (Polyb. Legat. 59.)

3191. After the death of Philippus, king of Macedonia, his son Persius, or Perseus succeeded him in the year when Q. Fulvius and L. Manlius, were consuls at Rome. He reigned 11 years (Livy l. 45.) or rather 10 years, 11 months as Porphyry more exactly says. (Scal. in Grac. Euseb. p. 229.)

3192. This begins the third period of Calippus.

3193. The Lycians sent their ambassadors to Rome to complain of the cruelty of the Rhodians. They were made subject to them by L. Carnelius Scipio. He said that the bondage which they endured under Antiochus in comparison to this was an excellent kind of liberty and freedom. They said there was now no difference between them and the very slaves whom they bought in the market. The senate was moved with this piteous complaint and gave them their letters to carry to the Rhodians. They had the Rhodians remember that the Romans put the Lycians under their rule and protection. However, they were still to be free states under the sovereignty of the people of Rome. (Livy l. 41.)

3827 AM, 4537 JP, 177 BC

3194. Prusias married the sister of Perseus and Perseus the daughter of Seleucus called Laodice. The Rhodians with their fleet received and conveyed her into Macedonia to her husband. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 60. Appia. Legat. 25.)

3195. The Rhodians persisted in their ways and now made an open war on the poor Lycians. The men of Xanthus sent their embassies for help to the Achaeans and to the people of Rome. Nicostratus headed up the embassy. (Polyb. Legat. 60.)

3196. The Lycians were already subdued by the Rhodians before their ambassadors could get an hearing with the senate of Rome. It was not until Tiberius and Claudius the consuls of that year had gone out against the Istrians and Agrians, that they saw the senate. When they were admitted, they plainly showed them the cruelty and oppression of the Rhodians against the poor Lycians that they prevailed with the senate to send ambassadors to Rhodes. They were to let them know, that when the senate had perused the acts and records which the 10 commissioners drew up in Asia, they found this. The Lycians, were by the Romans consigned to the Rhodians not as a gift to do with as they liked but to use them as friends and associates. This message was liked by the common sort in Rome who were offended with the Rhodians for their officiousness in bringing home Perseus' wife to him. They would have been content, to have seen the Rhodians and the Lycians fight it out so that the Rhodians might have some opporuniuty to spend their treasure and provisions which they had so much of. (??) (Polyb. Legat. 60.)

3828 AM, 4538 JP, 176 BC

3197. When the Roman commissioners came to Rhodes, the inhabitants were in an uproar. They said that since all things were now well settled in Lycia, why did they want to give an opportunity for more trouble there? When the Lycians heard what declaration the senate had made on their behalf, they began to revolt and protest publicly that they would endure anything to recover their just rights and liberty again. The Rhodians thought that the senate had been misinformed and abused by some false accusations from the Lycians. They sent Lycophron their ambassador, to Rome. When the senate had heard his errand they gave him an immediate answer. (Polyb. Legat. 61, 62.)

3198. Simon was a man of the tribe of Benjamin, and the head keeper of the temple. He had a disagreement with Onias the 3rd. the high priest. When he could not get his way, he went to Apollonius the governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. He told him, that there was am enormous amount of money in the treasury of the temple which the priests made no use of. Therefore it would be better in the king's coffers. When Apollimus told Seleucus this, he sent away his treasurer Heliodorus to Jerusalem to get the money from there. When he came, Onias the high priest told him, that it was true that there was some money in the temple, but that was the money of widows and orphans, who deposited it there for safe keeping. Some of the money belonged to Hyrcanus, the nephew of Tobias. (See note on 3812 AM.) and was a most honourable person. All that was there amounted to less than 400 talents of silver and 200 of gold. Such was the holiness of the place and of the thing itself that no man should take the money. When Heliodorus disregarded the words of Onias and the tumult of the people who lamented the profaning of their temple, he was struck down by the angel of God in the very place. He was carried to his lodging half dead by his own servants that were around him. After he was restored to his health by the intercession and prayers to God made by Onias the high priest, he returned to Seleucus. He magnified the holiness of the temple and the power of God that dwelt there. This story is recorded in /APC 2Ma 3 and by Josephus in his book, psqi awtohratoroslogotnou. Josephus writes Apollonius for Heliodotus (Likewise do the Fasti Siculi.) This shows that this event happened a little before the death of Seleucus. By the articles between Antiochus and the Romans, Antiochus was to change his hostages and send new ones instead of the old at the end of every three years. To replace Antiochus Epiphanes, the younger son of the former Antiochus who was then a hostage at Rome, /APC 1Ma 1:10 Seleucus sent his son Demetrius. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 116.)

3199. Simon the Benjamite, that traitor of his country and the one who told of the money deposited in the temple, accused Onias the high priest. Onias was a man who was well respected by the city and country of the Jews. Simon said Onias had incited Heliodorus against the Jews and plotted all the evil against him and the king. When matters went so far that many murders were committed by Simon and his faction in the city, Apollonius grew very angry and backed him up in what he did. Onias went to Seleucus. /APC 2Ma 4:1-6. The writer of Jason of Cyrenia seems to say, that Seleucus was dead before he came. Although Eusebius in his Chron. says, that he found him alive and had Simon banished by the king.

3200. So I have I brought this chronicle of Asia and Egypt to the beginning of the time of Antiochus Epiphanes and the history of the Maccabees. I shall continue it until the time of the utter destruction of Jerusalem under the Emperor Vespasian. This together with the Annals of the New Testament and a brief history of the church during that time until the beginning of the fourth century after Christ, I plan to make after this, if God grant me life and health.

Glory be to God on High.

FINIS